Воок ІІ. A VIEW OF THE ADVANTAGES OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT, AND OF THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE PEOPLE; AND A CONFIRMATION, BY REFERENCE TO FACTS, OF THE PRINCIPLES STATED IN THE WORK. CONTENTS. ix VII. The Subject continued.-The Advantages that accrue to the People from their appointing Representatives are very inconsiderable, unless they also entirely trust their VIII. The Subject concluded.-Effects that have resulted in the English Government from the People's Power being completely delegated to their Representatives IX. A farther Disadvantage of Republican Governments.- X. Fundamental Difference between the English Government and the Governments just described.-In England, all Executive Authority is placed out of the hands of those in whom the People trust.-Usefulness of the Power of XV. Proofs, drawn from Facts, of the Truth of the Principles laid down in the present Work.-First, the peculiar XVI. Second Difference.-The Manner after which the Laws for the Liberty of the Subject are executed in England 229 XVII. A more intimate View of the English Government than has hitherto been offered to the Reader in the course of this work. Very essential Differences between the XIX. A few additional Thoughts on the Attempts that may at particular Times be made to abridge the Power of the Crown, and some of the Dangers by which such XX. A few additional Observations on the Right of Taxation, which is lodged in the hands of the Representatives of the People.—What kind of Danger this Right may be ADVERTISEMENT. THE Book on the English Constitution, of which a new edition is here offered to the public, was first written in French, and published in Holland. Several persons have asked me the question, How I came to think of treating of such a subject? One of the first things in this country, that engage the attention of a stranger who is in the habit of observing the objects before him, is the peculiarity of its government: I had moreover been lately a witness of the broils which had for some time prevailed in the Republic in which I was born, and of the revolution by which they were terminated. Scenes of that kind, in a state which, though small, is independent, and contains within itself the principles of its motions, had naturally given me some competent insight into the first real principles of governments: owing to this circumstance, and perhaps also to some moderate share of natural abilities, I was enabled to perform the task I had undertaken with tolerable success. I was twenty-seven years old when I came to this country: after having been in it only a year I began to write my work, which I published about nine months afterwards; and have since been surprised to find that I had committed so few errors of a certain kind: I certainly was fortunate in avoiding to enter deeply into those articles with which I was not sufficiently acquainted. The book met with rather a favourable reception on the continent; several successive editions having been made of it. And it also met here with approbation, even from men of opposite parties; which, in this country, was no small luck for a book on systematical politics. Allowing that the arguments had some connection and clearness, as well as novelty, I think the work was of peculiar utility, if the epoch at which it was published is considered; which was, though without any design from me, at the time when the disputes with the colonies were beginning to take a serious turn, both here and in America. A work which contained a specious, if not thoroughly true, confutation of those political notions, by the help of which a disunion of the empire was endeavoured to be promoted (which confutation was moreover noticed by men in the highest places), should have procured to the author some sort of real encouragement; at least the publication of it should not have drawn him into any inconvenient situation. When my enlarged English edition was ready for the press, had I acquainted ministers that I was preparing to boil my tea-kettle with it, for want of being able conveniently to afford the expense of printing it, I do not pretend to say what their answer would have been; but I am firmly of opinion, that, had the like arguments in favour of the existing government of this country, against republican principles, been shown to Charles the First, or his ministers, at a certain period of his reign, they would have very willingly defrayed the expenses of the publication. In defect of encouragement from great men (and even from booksellers) I had recourse to a subscription; and my having expected any success from such a plan, shows that my knowledge of this country was at that time very incomplete.* * In regard to two subscribers in particular, I was, I confess, sadly disappointed. Though all the booksellers in London had at first refused to have any thing to do with my English edition (notwithstanding the French work was extremely well known), yet, soon after I had thought of the expedient of a subscription, I found that two of them, who are both living, had begun a translation, on the recommendation, as they told me, of a noble Lord, whom they named, who had, till a few years before, filled one of the highest offices under the Crown. I paid them ten pounds, in order to engage them to drop their undertaking, about which I understood they already had been at some expense. Had the noble Lord in question favoured me with his subscription, I would |