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noblemen who distinguished themselves in this manner, none was more conspicuous than the Duke of Fitz James, grandson to the celebrated Duke of Berwick, the natural son to our unhappy James II. He addressed a letter to the King, wherein he avowed, with the utmost firmness and decision, his resolution to abide by the interest of the throne, and to maintain the royal authority against all opposers. This letter was conceived in terms remarkably nervous and elegant, and did great honour to the illus trious writer.

In the mean time, the National Assembly was anxiously intent on the means of restoring the finances and credit of the kingdom. The ill success that had attended the endeavours of M. Neckar, rendered the public extremely mistrustful of the several schemes that were successively proposed: the reputation he had borne, of an able financier, operated as a material discouragement, when it was considered, that notwithstanding his experience in this department, his repeated efforts had been fruitless. It was certainly time to bring the pecuniary affairs of the state into some order. So fluctuating and precarious were the resources arising from the ordinary revenue, that the receipt for the month of August had yielded a sum not less than 40,000,000 short of the expenditure during that period.

The heads of the popular party were convinced that bold measures alone were adequate to the re-establishment of the national finances. It was here they chiefly apprehended an opposition from the adverse party, which threatened to be the more formidable that it

would be seconded by numbers; who, though not enemies to the revolution, still dreaded to venture much in pecuniary schemes, that, if unsuccessful, might increase the difficulties under which the nation so heavily laboured. Compelled, however, by necessity, they proposed a fabrication of paper money, to the amount of 50,000,000l. sterling, to be issued in the state notes, called assignats; the securityofwhich was to rest on the sale of as much of the national property, already decreed to be sold by auction, as would produce an equivalent to that amount. The date of this im portant measure, pregnant with utter ruin to the monarchy and endless revolution, was, September 1790. It was not without a long and animated contest that this motion was carried. M. Mirabeau exerted his talents on this occasion in the most forcible manner: but the indispensable necessity of providing for the immediate demands and wants of the public, was the main argument that prevailed in the Assembly. Such was the eagerness of people to learn the decision of this matter, and their wishes that it might prove favourable to the popular party, that all Paris, as it were, crowded to the doors of the house of Assembly, and testified by the loudest acclamations, how deeply it participated in the suc cess of the motion. These pecuniary transactions were attended with the strictest researches into the nature and administration of all the civil and religious establishments in every part of the kingdom. Among the particulars that were brought to light in conse quence of these inquiries, it may not be amiss to mention the num

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ber of seminaries and convents occupied by Roman Catholics of the British dominions, who were settled in France, and had embraced an ecclesiastical, or a monastic life. These amounted to twenty-eight. The persons resident in them were computed at more than a thousand, and their annual income at 15,000. The representations that had been made in their favour by the English Ambassador, were duly attended to on this occasion, and prevented their suppression. They were confirmed in the enjoyment of their possessions by a solemn decree of the Assembly, which declared them to be the exclusive property of British subjects. These various investigations into the state of the nation, brought to light the most undoubted, as well as manifold circumstances and proofs of that profusion with which it appeared that the revenues of the kingdom had been dissipated under the late government. Previously to the revolution, the public treasury was, it seems, considered in many respects as the private patrimony of the Royal Family: whatever was required in their name, was instantly delivered; there was no settled regulation of any respective income, or it was merely nominal; no person daring to risk a refusal of what was demanded. This prodigality of the Court, which the strict inquiry into its former expenses had laid open to the public inspection, was now more than ever become the subject of conversation and complaints and the wantonness with which the nation's money had been lavished upon the meanest individuals, excited an indignation which greatly alienated the minds of men

from the former system of ruling ; and disposed them strongly to op. pose the royal party.

During these proceedings, close at tention was paid to the armament intended for the assistance of Spain. It was carried on with uncommon vigour and expedition, from the multitude of seamen destitute of employment in the mercantile shipping; numbers of the most eminent merchants being either taken up with the internal disputes of the places which they inhabited, or deterred by the disturbances in their colonies from carrying on their usual trade. It was remarked at the same time, that, notwithstanding the general repugnance of the French to go to war with England, many of their politicians were of opinion, that the family compact ought to be punctually fulfilled, were it only to prevent the English from obtaining the uncontrolled sovereignty of the seas. But this opinion was suspected by many, to originate from the machinations of that in opposition to the ruling party. Though a multiplicity of reasonings were adduced to support it in the disputing clubs at Paris, yet the generality of people imagined that the court was at the bottom of those measures that tended to make France a party in the dispute between England and Spain; and that it hoped to derive from thence, opportunities of recovering much of its former power, through the influence it would acquire from the continual exercise of that authority and command indispensably annexed to the executive power during the prosecution of hostilities.

In order the more effectually to engage the French nation to coin

cide with those designs that were inimical to England, the proceedings of the English in the East Indies were painted in the most alarming colours; and the necessity of guarding against the great superiority which they had acquired in those parts, was insisted on in the warmest terms. With this view, a deputation from Pondicherry, the most important of the French establishments in India, waited upon the National Assembly to remonstrate the defenceless situation of that settlement, and to request that it might be put on a respectable footing, as well as the other possessions of France in that part of the world. In compliance with these remonstrances, several vessels with warlike stores, escorted by some ships of force, were ordered for the East Indies. But the generality of the French did not consider the English as inimically inclined to them, at a time when they had adopted political principles which tended to prevent them from entering into altercations with their neighbours, especially with a people whose particular interest it was that France should forswear those pursuits which had formerly rendered it so odious, and should cultivate a good understanding with all Europe. It was chiefly indeed, in consequence of the disapprobation the public expressed of the readiness of ministry to adopt hostile measures, that some of its most active members judged it necessary, in condescendence to the popular opinion, to resign their places notwithstanding the king's reluctance to part with them. The fact was, that the royal party had suffered such a diminution of interest in the assem

bly, that the antagonists of the court found no difficulty in compelling those whom they suspected of too much attachment to it to relinquish those employments that enabled them to exert their abilities in its favour.

The next step taken by the popular party, in virtue of the power of which they felt themselves possessed, was to annul the collations to church-livings that were not in conformity to the regulations made by the assembly. This proved a most severe blow on the court and church-party; these collations forming the strongest chain of the connexion subsisting between theclergy and the nobles, who were the principal collators. To humble the ecclesiastical body more decisively, and to gratify at the same time the desires of a very considerable portion of the community, the national assembly determined, in pursuance of those ideas of universal toleration in religious matters, which were now prevalent, to restore to their estates and possessions in France, the descendants of those families that had been forced to abandon them through the perse cution which they had endured in› consequence of the revocation of the edict of Nantes, during the reign of Louis the Fourteenth. The decree for this purpose, October, 1790, was worded as favourably to the remaining representatives of those long exiled families as circumstances would admit. It held out every facility and advantage that could enable them to make good their respective claims to the inheritance of their ancestors. The enlightened world very highly applauded the liberality and justice of this celebrated decree. The power acquired

acquired by the National Assembly could not, however, suppress or daunt the spirit of its opponents. In defiance of menaces and danger, the disaffected still continued to hold their meetings, wherein they expressed their enmity with the most unlimited rancour. It was principally in the southern parts of the kingdom that this bold spirit made its appearance: here the adherents to the noblesse and the churchmen were the most numerous; and they were continually watching for opportunities of effecting a change of affairs in their favour. They even carried their daringness so far, as publicly to establish clubs in opposition to those that supportedthe presentmeasures. At Aix, the chief city of Provence, they formed one which was intituled, "the Society of Friends to the King and Clergy." The proceed ings of this ociety were so offensive to another, styled "The Constitutional Club," that it resolved, by force, to impose silence on the former. This produced a quarrel, wherein the partisans of both bore a share. Notwithstanding the interposition of the magistracy, all endeavours to quell it were ineffectual. An outrageous mob arose, and seized three gentlemen pointed out as aristocrats, whom in their fury they instantly put to death, in spite of all supplications for mercy. The principal cause of the rage of the revolutionary mobs at this period, was, a report strongly founded, that a design was in agitation to introduce the exiled princes of the blood into the city of Lyons, where a number of their adherents were ready to join them, and to take up arms against the National Assembly. The municipality of

Lyons secured those persons who lay under suspicion of being concerned in it; and the National Assembly, on reading this intelligence decreed that the civic oath should immediately be administered to all individuals of the royal blood, and to all persons in public stations, or on the pension list, under pain of forfeiting their income and privileges, if they refused or neglected to take it.

This conspiracy seemed to have been formed upon a very extensive plan. The French emigrants in Italy had opened a large correspondence with their well-wishers in France, in more than one province. In that of Auvergne, their friends were so numerous, that a strong party, consisting entirely of noblesse, set out from thence for Lyons, in expectation of being supported by a formidable insurrection; but hearing on their way that the design had been discovered, they thought it safest to disband and fly homewards: this body was so considerable, that in the hurry and precipitation of their flight, they left behind them upwards of 300 horses. Designs of a similar nature had been some time carried on with profound secrecy in the country of Avignon, belonging to the Pope. But it transpired at last, that preparations were making to arm upwards of 50,000 men. The court of Turin was considered as the chief abettor and assistant in these matters. The court of Rome beheld at the same time the transactions in France with the deepest anxiety and terror. Whether from bigotry or interested motives, it strongly reprobated the alteration in that kingdom relating to the church. The examples of those

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countries which had shaken off the Romish yoke, raised the strongest apprehension that they would be imitated by a nation which was justly reputed as enlightened as any in Europe. This motive obliged that circumspectful court to tempo rize, and to refrain from that impetuous severity with which it had been used in former days to hurl its spiritual thunders on those parts of Christendom that were disobedient to its dictates. It was through the unseasonable violence and precipitation of the conclave, that England was lost to the holy, see by the establishment of the Reformation. This was a circumstance anxiously recalled, and strenuously dwelt upon in the councils and deliberations held at Rome upon the affairs of France.

The principal cause of solicitude at this court, was the decree by which the Assembly rested their rights of electing their bishops in the inhabitants of every diocese. This was evidently the most irrecoverable wound ever given in France to the spiritual power. It was indeed for that very reason the popular party was so resolute in adopting, and the French nation at large so ready to receive this decree. Great was the consternation of the court of Rome at a transaction which utterly annihilated the vast authority it had for so many centuries possessed in France. After many consultations, the Pope addressed a monitory letter to the King of France; wherein that decree was represented as a preliminary measure to the dissolution of all further ties between the church of Rome and that of France. Whatever the private inclination

of the king of France might have been at this juncture, the popularity of this edict was such, that he was too prudent to disapprove of it. He informed the Pope, that he could not refuse his assent to an act so warmly enforced by the approbation of the public; and that he confided in the prudence and moderation of the papal councils for the preservation of harmony between the Roman and Gallican churches.

The court of Rome had not for many years been addressed in such a manner by any of the princes of its communion. It occasioned uncommon anxiety among the adhe rents to the Pope, both at Rome and in other parts. The liberty of thinking, which had long reigned in France among the literati, had of late been so extensively communicated to all ranks and professions of society, that it was evident the papal power in that kingdom stood on a very tottering foundation. Many were the meetings that took place among the cardinals and the principal dignitaries at Rome, on the arduous business of recalling France to its former obedience. But the wisest heads seemed of opinion, that unless the ideas of the French on matters of government could be altered, no reasonable expectation could be entertained of their returning to the former dependence on the church of Rome. These vigorous measures of the Assembly did not however deter numbers of those ecclesiastics who adhered to the see of Rome, from soliciting the king to withhold his sanction to the decree that imposed upon them the civic oath, until the matter had been referred to

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