little more than a negative voice; the privy council here assumed the power of originating bills; and the privy councils in both kingdoms, of altering and suppressing them; the whole process of legislation was corrupted and inverted; the judges held their places, not during life, but during pleasure; the king's bench of England, and the house of lords of England, exercised a supreme jurisdiction over all our courts; we had no habeas corpus act; we were allowed a trade scarcely with any nation upon earth; and a great standing army was maintained in Ireland, under the authority of an English act of parliament and without even the constitutional counterpoise of a militia. "Mr. Flood struck at once at the root of all these enormities. He brought forward the bill for octennial parliaments. To restore the power of the people by a frequent recurrence of their elective powers, he knew, would soon give them such a voice in the constitution, as would enable them authoritatively to call for the restoration of every right. This octennial bill, then, which had been so often unsuccessfully attempted, that it was never proposed without derison, when he urged with the over-bearing energy of his eloquence, instantly rose into reputation, and was carried. "His next great attempt was a national militia. He knew that a voice in the constituion was not sufficient, if the people were overawed by a military force. He was, however, resisted by government, and, of course, defeated. But the principle sunk into the mind of the public, and it produced voluntary armaments. "He next levelled his abilities against the fabric of usurpations, which was founded on the law of Poyning. The ground he took, was the vicious and corrupt construction of that law; the safest ground for the public; because, if the law was not misconstrued, it could only be got rid of by repeal, of which there was then little hope; but if it was misconstrued, it only required integrity among ourselves to rectify it. The first fruits of this exertion were, the rejection of altered moneybills. "To prevent the accumulation of debt, and keep down the taxes of an impoverished country, were his objects on going into office, making, at the same time, the most precise and unequivocal reservation in favour of all the great constitutional principles which he had ever maintained. To secure these objects, he stipulated for his country, first the reduction of twelve commissioners of revenue to seven, which, with the other appendages of this reduction, it was estimated, would have produced a saving to the country of twenty thousand pounds a year. Next, an absenteetax, which, by a strange and unhappy change of sentiment in some country gentlemen, failed. "These measures, together with the general system of frugality, for which he, at all times, contended, if carried into effect, would have prevented the public debt and taxes from having risen above one-half of what they are at the present day. "In lord Buckingham's administration, when the late Mr. Burgh moved for an extension of trade, Mr. Flood, with an emphatic tone, cried out across the house, "Why not a free trade?" The words were adopted; the free trade was carried. "The The spirit of Ireland, roused by the American war, was now caling for the restoration of her rights, in the most energetic accents. England was embarrassed and enfeebled, Ireland was armed; Mr. Flood saw the crisis, and seized it. The high office which he held he flung from him. He faced the minister in the house of commons, and with all the vehemence of his eloquence, demanded the rights of his country. Ministry were thunderstruck and appalled. Mr. Burgh and Mr. Grattan ran across the house and embraced him; Mr. Burgh exclaiming, that "this was the man, whose integrity the highest office in the land could not warp.". "He then proceeded, inflexible by any thing but truth and honour, through that momentous session; always agreeing with the opposition in principle though sometimes differing from them as to the manner of carrying that principle into effect. Where he differed, as far as experience has yet operated, it appears that he was not mistaken. "The session concluded with the simple repeal, and his argument for a renunciation. He, against the almost unanimous voice of the parliament of Ireland, against every sentiment of the parliament of England, demanded the renunciation, as the essential indispensable recognition of the independence of Ireland. "The lawyers corps was convinced by his argument, and con curred with him. The volunteers of the north were convinced, and concurred. The sentiment spread, and kindled. The parliament of England renounced. "The stupendous acquisitions of this fortunate crisis were so many and so mighty, he feared they might be surrendered or impaired, in some moment of supineness, by a corrupt and culpable house of commons. Therefore, to secure these acquisitions for ever, he endeavoured to fortify the integrity of the house of commons, by amending the form of representation; and, delegatedby the great national convention, he introduced his Reform-bill into parlia ment. "He was, at this moment, elevated to the highest summit of popularity, and power, and fame, to which he had ever reached, in the whole orbit of his life. The convention he ruled with an absolute sway, by the sole sceptre of reason. He never uttered there that he did not convince. He never convinced that he did not succeed. Since the creation of the world, perhaps, no undeified individual ever received such deference, such confidence, such supremacy, from a wise and enlightened assembly. "But his good fortune, as it it had been now strained beyond its strength, broke, and from this time failed him. "His reform being rejected, and the convention dissolved, there being no immediate prospect of any momentous occurrence here, he went over to the English parliament. "That the people there should be jealous ofthe reputation of their own orators; that they should have heard with displeasure frequent comparisons made between them and Mr. Flood, to the disadvantage of the latter; that their national pride should be glad to seize any slender opportunity to disparage and decry him, it is easy to suppose; but that they should have the folly to represent him as a man of feeble talents, and no understanding, was an extravagance of pride and prejudice scarcely scarcely imaginable. Yet such was the fact. Every effort of noise and clamour, while he was speaking, and every artifice of perversion and derision after he had done, were employ ed against him even by his own countrymen. "When he came back to the Irish house of commons, he was treated with the same barbarous clamour as in England. The sublimest triumphs of his reason, the most luminous effusions of his wit, were overpowered and drowned in the noise of the corrupt and the factious. From his time, the double tide of both parties ran against him. His hav. ing spurned the vice-treasurership, shewed, that the greatest office could not manacle his integrity. His whole conduct, as a statesman, and particularly the renunciation shewed that no political chicane could dupe his understanding. Neither to be bought or bubbled, he was therefore every where to be overwhelmed and undermined. The wrath of all parties, however other wise adverse, concentrated against him. The friends of the king were never to forgive his repudiation of the vice-treasurership. The friends of Mr. Pitt, and the friends of the king, became one. The friends of Mr. Fox were never to forgive the renunciation. Indeed in this last measure, he had been too much a friend to Ireland, not to be viewed as a foe by every English party, and consequently by every class of their partizans here. The people too here, having now become quiescent after such arduous exertions, were become almost indifferent spectators of the public scene and afforded no basis to support him against such concurrent hostilities. He still, however, attempted the parliamentary reform. He attempted it by the aid of the second convention or congress, and by the most vigorous efforts of his own voice in parliament. The spirit of the people sunk more and more. At last he was obliged to desist. "He then attempted his reform in England. All parties, however disinclined, confessed, that it was the wisest speech, and the wisest plan that had yet been propounded. It failed; but if ever a reform shall succeed there, it is generally thought it will be the reform of Henry Flood. "Now the mine was springing under his feet, which was to anni. hilate all his political power for ever. A dissolution of parliament was shortly to take place in both kingdoms; and there is much reason to suppose, that the great parties in both conspired in the one point, to keep him out of both parliaments. The people no where took him up. This is mentioned, not to cast any uncommon stain of ingratitude upon his countrymen, though he was the last man then upon earth whom they ought to have suffered to be so run down. The greatest characters in all countries have experienced similar defection. "At length the great phenomenon appeared. Both parliaments were elected; and Flood, with all his property, all his abilities, all his deservings, was of neither a member. Even upon the people here this seemed to make little impression; and some of his oldest friends, seemed unaffected at the event. He retired to the country; and his great mind, which could never have been depressed by the worst inflictions of the enemies of his country, was not so well able to sustain the neglect of his countrymen. "He "He died, the second of December, 1791, at Farmly in the county of Kilkenny, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. "His property he bequeathed to the people of Ireland, under the direction of the university of Dublin; leaving it under such regulations as he conceived would make it most contribute to the fame of his country." Memoirs of the life of Dr. Robert Henry; from the same. R. Robert Henry was the son Dof James Henry, farmer at Muirtown, in the parish of St. Ninian's, North Britain, and of Jean Galloway, daughter of ...... Galloway, of Burrowmeadow, in Stirlingshire. He was born on the 18th of daughter of Thomas Balderston, surgeon in Berwick; by whom he had no children, but with whom he enjoyed to the end of his life a large share of domestic happiness. He was removed from Berwick, to be one of the ministers of Edinburgh, in November, 1768; was minister of the church of the New Grey Friers, from that time till November, 1776 and then became colleague-minister in the Old Church, and remained in that station till his death. The degree of doctor in divinity was conferred on him by the university of Edinburgh, in 1770; and, in 1774 he was unanimously chosen moderator of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, and is the only person on record who obtained that distinction, the first time he was a member of assembly. Soon after his removal to Berwick, February, 1718; and having early he published a scheme for raising a resolved to devote himself to a lite- fund for the benefit of the widows and rary profession, was educated, first orphans of protestant dissenting miunder a Mr. John Nicholson, at nisters in the north of England. the parish-school of St. Ninian's This idea was probably suggested and for some time at the grammar- by the prosperity of the fund which school of Stirling. He completed had, almost thirty years before, been his course of academical study at the established for a provision to minisuniversity of Edinburgh and after- ters' widows, &c. in Scotland. But wards became master of the gram- the situations of the clergy of Scotmar-school of Annan. He was land were very different from the licenced to preach on the 27th of circumstances of dissenting minis March, 1746, and was the first liters in England. Annuities and procentiate of the presbytery of Annan after its erection into a separate presbytery. Soon after, he received a call from a congregation of presbyterian dissenters at Carlisle, where he was ordained, in November 1748. In this station he remained twelve years; and, on the 13th of August 1760, became pastor of a dissenting congregation in Berwick-upon-Tweed. Here he married, in 1763, Anne Balderston, visions were to be secured to the families of dissenters, without subjecting the individuals (as in Scotland) to a proportional annual contribution, and without such means of creating a fund, as could be the subject of an act of parliament, to se cure the annual payments. The acuteness and activity of Dr. Henry surmounted these difficulties; and chiefly by his exertions, this useful and benevolent institution commen ced scarcely imaginable. Yet such was the fact. Every effort of noise and clamour, while he was speaking, and every artifice of perversion and derision after he had done, were employ ed against him even by his own countrymen. "When he came back to the Irish house of commons, he was treated with the same barbarous clamour as in England. The sublimest triumphs of his reason, the most luminous effusions of his wit, were overpowered and drowned in the noise of the corrupt and the factious. From his time, the double tide of both parties ran against him. His hav. ing spurned the vice-treasurership, shewed, that the greatest office could not manacle his integrity. His whole conduct, as a statesman, and particularly the renunciation shewed that no political chicane could dupe his understanding. Neither to be bought or bubbled, he was therefore every where to be overwhelmed and undermined. The wrath of all parties, however otherwise adverse, concentrated against him. The friends of the king were never to forgive his repudiation of the vice-treasurership. The friends of Mr. Pitt, and the friends of the king, became one. The friends of Mr. Fox were never to forgive the renunciation. Indeed in this last measure, he had been too much a friend to Ireland, not to be viewed as a foe by every English party, and consequently by every class of their partizans here. The people too here, having now become quiescent after such arduous exertions, were become almost indifferent spectators of the public scene and afforded no basis to support him against such concurrent hostilities. He still, however, attempted the parliamentary reform. He attempted it by the aid of the second con. vention or congress, and by the most vigorous efforts of his own voice in parliament. The spirit of the people sunk more and more. At last he was obliged to desist. "He then attempted his reform in England. All parties, however disinclined, confessed, that it was the wisest speech, and the wisest plan that had yet been propounded. It failed; but if ever a reform shall succeed there,it is generally thought it will be the reform of Henry Flood. "Now the mine was springing under his feet, which was to annihilate all his political power for ever. A dissolution of parliament was shortly to take place in both kingdoms; and there is much reason to suppose, that the great parties in both conspired in the one point, to keep him out of both parliaments. The people no where took him up. This is mentioned, not to cast any uncommon stain of ingratitude upon his countrymen, though he was the last man then upon earth whom they ought to have suffered to be so run down. The greatest characters in all countries have experienced similar defection. "At length the great phenomenon appeared. Both parliaments were elected; and Flood, with all his property, all his abilities, all his deservings, was of neither a member. Even upon the people here this seemed to make little impression; and some of his oldest friends, seemed unaffected at the event. He retired to the country; and his great mind, which could never have been depressed by the worst inflictions of the enemies of his country, was not so well able to sustain the neglect of his countrymen. "He |