luxury: they rigorously imposed on the clergy the tributes of first-fruits and tenths; but they freely tolerated the impunity of vice, disorder, and corruption. These manifold scandals were aggravated by the great schism of the West, which continued above fifty years. In the furious conflicts of Rome and Avignon, the vices of the rivals were mutually exposed; and their precarious situation degraded their anthority, relaxed their discipline, and multiplied their wants and exactions. To heal the wounds and restore the monarchy of the Church, the synods of Pisa and Constance* were successively convened; but these great assemblies, conscious of their strength, resolved to vindicate the privileges of the Christian aristocracy. From a personal sentence against two pontiffs, whom they rejected, and a third, their acknowledged sovereign, whom they deposed, the fathers of Constance proceeded to examine the nature and limits of the Roman supremacy; nor did they separate till they had established the authority, above the pope, of a general council. It was enacted that, for the government and reformation of the church, such assemblies should be held at regular intervals; and that each synod, before its dissolution, should appoint the time and place of the subsequent meeting. By the influence of the court of Rome, the next convocation of Sienna was easily eluded; but the millions of gold florins, and the value of seven millions more in plate and jewels. See the Chronicle of John Villani (1. 11, c. 20, in Muratori's Collection, tom. xiii. p. 765), whose brother received the account from the papal treasurers. A treasure of six or eight millions sterling in the fourteenth century is enormous, and almost incredible. [The avarice of the popes is well exposed by Mr. Hallam (ii. 335-340). Not less perceptible is the working of these "meaner passions,” at every step by which the hierarchy rose to this pinnacle of greatness. For their gratification alone was power coveted; the seemingly most splendid and daring ambition was actuated by none but this secret and sordid motive; beneath the pallium, the shield, the treaty, the missive, and the Bull, the concealed hand was ever rapaciously seizing money, and enriching its treasury at the cost, and to the detriment, of all other interests. To lay bare this hidden mainspring of every social movement, through the whole course of more than twelve hundred years, has been the consistent purpose of so many previous notes, that it is sufficient here to refer to them, and to the confirmation of their principle, by this full view of practices and arts, over which the veil of a plausible hypocrisy can no longer be thrown.-ED.]

A learned and liberal Protestant, M. Lenfant, has given a fair history of the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basil, in six volumes

bold and vigorous proceedings of the council of Basil* had almost been fatal to the reigning pontiff, Eugenius the Fourth. A just suspicion of his design prompted the fathers to hasten the promulgation of their first decree, that the representatives of the church-militant on earth were invested with a divine and spiritual jurisdiction over all Christians, without excepting the pope; and that a general council could not be dissolved, prorogued, or transferred, unless by their free deliberation and consent. On the notice that Eugenius had fulminated a Bull for that purpose, they ventured to summon, to admonish, to threaten, to censure, the contumacious successor of St. Peter. After many delays, to allow time for repentance, they finally declared that, unless he submitted within the term of sixty days, he was suspended from the exercise of all temporal and ecclesiastical authority. And, to mark their jurisdiction over the prince as well as the priest, they assumed the government of Avignon, annulled the alienation of the sacred patrimony, and protected Rome from the imposition of new taxes. Their boldness was justified, not only by the general opinion of the clergy, but by the support and power of the first monarchs of Christendom; the emperor Sigismund declared himself the servant and protector of the synod; Germany and France adhered to their cause; the duke of Milan was the enemy of Eugenius; and he was driven from the Vatican by an insurrection of the Roman people. Rejected at the same time by his temporal and spiritual subjects, submission was his only choice; by a most humiliating Bull, the pope repealed his own acts, and ratified those of the council; incorporated his legates and cardinals with those of that venerable body; and seemed to resign himself to the decrees of the supreme legislature. Their fame pervaded the countries of the East; and it was in their presence that

in quarto; but the last part is the most hasty and imperfect, except in the account of the troubles of Bohemia.

* The original acts or minutes of the council of Basil are preserved in the public library, in twelve volumes in folio. Basil was a free city, conveniently situate on the Rhine, and guarded by the arms of the neighbouring and confederate Swiss. In 1459, the university was founded by pope Pius II. (Æneas Sylvius), who had been secretary to the council. But what is a council, or a university, to the presses of Froben and the studies of Erasmus ?

VOL. VII.

Sigismund received the ambassadors of the Turkish sultan,* who laid at his feet twelve large vases, filled with robes of silk and pieces of gold. The fathers of Basil aspired to the glory of reducing the Greeks, as well as the Bohemians, within the pale of the Church; and their deputies invited the emperor and patriarch of Constantinople to unite with an assembly which possessed the confidence of the Western nations. Palæologus was not averse to the proposal; and his ambassadors were introduced with due honours into the Catholic senate. But the choice of the place appeared to be an insuperable obstacle, since he refused to pass the Alps, or the sea of Sicily, and positively required that the synod should be adjourned to some convenient city in Italy, or at least on the Danube. The other articles of this treaty were more readily stipulated: it was agreed to defray the travelling expenses of the emperor, with a train of seven hundred persons,t to remit an immediate sum of eight thousand ducats, for the accommodation of the Greek clergy; and in his absence to grant a supply of ten thousand ducats, with three hundred archers and some galleys, for the protection of Constantinople. The city of Avignon advanced the funds for the preliminary expenses: and the embarkation was prepared at Marseilles with some difficulty and delay.

In his distress, the friendship of Palæologus was disputed by the ecclesiastical powers of the West; but the dexterous activity of a monarch prevailed over the slow debates and inflexible temper of a republic. The decrees of Basil con

* This Turkish embassy, attested only by Crantzius, is related, with some doubt, by the annalist Spondanus, A.D. 1433, No. 25, tom. i. p. 824. Syropulus, p. 19. In this list, the Greeks appear to have exceeded the real numbers of the clergy and laity which afterwards attended the emperor and patriarch, but which are not clearly specified by the great ecclesiarch. The seventy-five thousand florins which they asked in this negotiation of the pope (p. 9), were more than they could hope or want.

I use indifferently the words ducat and florin, which derive their names, the former from the dukes of Milan, the latter from the republic of Florence. These gold pieces, the first that were coined in Italy, perhaps in the Latin world, may be compared in weight and value, to one third of the English guinea. [Gibbon here overlooks that as early as the sixth century the Merovingian kings of France and the Visigoths of Spain issued their gold triens. (See vol. iv. p. 180, note.) After the eighth century no gold was coined in Latin Europe

tinually tended to circumscribe the despotism of the pope, and to erect a supreme and perpetual tribunal in the Church. Eugenius was impatient of the yoke; and the union of the Greeks might afford a decent pretence for translating a rebellious synod from the Rhine to the Po. The independence of the fathers was lost if they passed the Alps; Savoy or Avignon, to which they acceded with reluctance, was described at Constantinople as situate far beyond the pillars of Hercules;* the emperor and his clergy were apprehensive of the dangers of a long navigation; they were offended by a haughty declaration, that after suppressing the new heresy of the Bohemians, the council would soon eradicate the old heresy of the Greeks.† On the side of Eugenius, all was smooth, and yielding, and respectful; and he invited the Byzantine monarch to heal by his presence the schism of the Latin, as well as of the Eastern, Church. Ferrara, near the coast of the Adriatic, was proposed for their amicable interview; and with some indulgence of forgery and theft, a surreptitious decree was procured, which transferred the synod, with its own consent, to that Italian city. Nine galleys were equipped for this service at Venice, and in the isle of Candia; their diligence anticipated the slower vessels of Basil; the Roman admiral

till 1252, when the Florentines introduced their florin. The first ducats of Milan are those of duke Azo, in 1330. About the same time our Edward III. issued his florin, which was the earliest gold coinage of England. (Humphreys, edit. Bohn. 437. 515.)

*At the end of the Latin version of Phranzes, we read a long Greek epistle or declamation of George of Trebizond, who advises the emperor to prefer Eugenius and Italy. He treats with contempt the schismatic assembly of Basil, the Barbarians of Gaul and Germany, who had conspired to transport the chair of St. Peter beyond the Alps; οἱ ἄθλιοι (says he) σε καὶ τὴν μετὰ σου σύνοδον ἔξω τῶν Ηρακλέιων στήλων καὶ περὶ Γαδήρων ἐξάξουσι. Was Constantinople unprovided with a map? [Few would have studied, and fewer still have understood, such an exponent of land-marks, had it been placed in their hands. Nearly seven centuries had elapsed from the time of Anaximander, when Ptolemy's Geography was written; yet the maps which accompany it display the strange notions, then entertained, of the form and situation of countries; nor had such knowledge advanced in the days of George of Trebizond. See p. 236.-ED.]

+ Syropulus (p. 26 31) attests his own indignation, and that of his countrymen and the Basil deputies, who excused the rash declaration, could neither deny nor alter an act of the council.

was commissioned to burn, sink, and destroy;* and these priestly squadrons might have encountered each other in the same seas where Athens and Sparta had formerly contended for the pre-eminence of glory. Assaulted by the importunity of the factions, who were ready to fight for the possession of his person, Palæologus hesitated before he left his palace and country on a perilous experiment. His father's advice still dwelt on his memory; and reason must suggest, that since the Latins were divided among themselves, they could never unite in a foreign cause. Sigismund dissuaded the unseasonable adventure; his advice was impartial, since he adhered to the council; and it was enforced by the strange belief that the German Cæsar would nominate a Greek his heir and successor in the empire of the West. Even the Turkish sultan was a counsellor whom it might be unsafe to trust, but whom it was dangerous to offend. Amurath was unskilled in the disputes, but he was apprehensive of the union, of the Christians. From his own treasures, he offered to relieve the wants of the Byzantine court; yet he declared, with seeming magnanimity, that Constantinople should be secure and inviolate in the absence of her sovereign. The resolution of Palæologus was decided by the most splendid gifts and the most specious promises; he wished to escape for a while from a scene of danger and distress; and after dismissing with an ambiguous answer the messengers of the council, he declared his intention of embarking in the Roman galleys. The age of the patriarch Joseph was more susceptible of fear than of hope; he trembled at the perils

* Condolmieri, the pope's nephew and admiral, expressly declared ὅτι ὅρισμον ἔχει παρὰ τοῦ Πάπα ἵνα πολεμήσῃ ὁποῦ ἂν εὔρῃ τὰ κάτεργα τῆς Συνόδου, καὶ εἰ δυνήθη, καταδύσῃ καὶ ἀφανίσῃ. The naval orders of the synod were less peremptory; and, till the hostile squadrons appeared, both parties tried to conceal their quarrel from the Greeks.

+ Syropulus mentions the hopes of Palæologus (p. 36), and the last advice of Sigismund (p. 57). At Corfu, the Greek emperor was informed of his friend's death: had he known it sooner, he would have returned home (p. 79). Phranzes himself,

though from different motives, was of the advice of Amurath (1. 2, c. 13). Utinam ne synodus ista unquam fuisset, si tantas offensiones et detrimenta paritura erat. This Turkish embassy is likewise mentioned by Syropulus (p. 58); and Amurath kept his word. He might threaten (p. 125. 219), but he never attacked the city.