embarked on a second voyage; but on his entrance into the Adriatic, the ship was assailed by a tempest, and the unfortunate teacher, who, like Ulysses, had fastened himself to the mast, was struck dead by a flash of lightning. The humane Petrarch dropped a tear on his disaster; but he was most anxious to learn whether some copy of Euripides or Sophocles might not be saved from the hands of the mariners.*

But the faint rudiments of Greek learning, which Petrarch had encouraged and Boccace had planted, soon withered and expired. The succeeding generation was content for a while with the improvement of Latin eloquence; nor was it before the end of the fourteenth century that a new and perpetual flame was rekindled in Italy.+ Previous to his own journey, the emperor Manuel dispatched his envoys and orators to implore the compassion of the Western princes. Of these envoys, the most conspicuous, or the most learned, was Manuel Chrysoloras,‡ of noble birth, and whose Roman ancestors are supposed to have migrated with the great Constantine. After visiting the courts of France and England, where he obtained some contributions, and more promises, the envoy was invited to assume the office of a professor; and Florence had again the honour of this second invitation. By his knowledge, not only of the Greek, but of the Latin tongue, Chrysoloras deserved the stipend, and surpassed the which, though now forgotten, has run through thirteen or fourteen editions). Leontius, or Leo Pilatus, is sufficiently made known by Hody (p. 2-11) and the Abbé de Sade (Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 625-634. 670-673), who has very happily caught the lively and dramatic manner of his original.

*

+ Dr. Hody (p. 54) is angry with Leonard Aretin, Guarinus, Paulus Jovius, &c. for affirming that the Greek letters were restored in Italy post septingentos annos; as if, says he, they had flourished till the end of the seventh century. These writers most probably reckoned from the last period of the exarchate; and the presence of the Greek magistrates and troops at Ravenna and Rome must have preserved, in some degree, the use of their native tongue. [The study of the Greek fathers must have preserved among ecclesiastics some knowledge of their language. But when the religion of the day had discarded philosophy and disowned Origen, those early advocates were of course put aside, and by the seventh century Greek was neglected in the Latin church.-ED.] See the article of Emanuel, or Manuel Chrysoloras, in Hody (p. 12-54) and Tiraboschi (tom. vii. p. 113-118). The precise date of his arrival floats between the years 1390 and 1400, and is only confined by the reign of Boniface IX.

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expectation of the republic. His school was frequented by a crowd of disciples of every rank and age; and one of these, in a general history, has described his motives and his success. At that time," says Leonard Aretin,* "I was a student of the civil law; but my soul was inflamed with the love of letters; and I bestowed some application on the sciences of logic and rhetoric. On the arrival of Manuel, I hesitated whether I should desert my legal studies, or relinquish this golden opportunity; and thus, in the ardour of youth, I communed with my own mind-Wilt thou be wanting to thyself and thy fortune? Wilt thou refuse to be introduced to a familiar converse with Homer, Plato, and Demosthenes? with those poets, philosophers, and orators, of whom such wonders are related, and who are celebrated by every age as the great masters of human science? Of professors and scholars in civil law, a sufficient supply will always be found in our universities; but a teacher, and such a teacher, of the Greek language, if he once be suffered to escape, may never afterwards be retrieved. Convinced by these reasons, I gave myself to Chrysoloras; and so strong was my passion, that the lessons which I had imbibed in the day, were the constant subject of my nightly dreams."+ At the same time and place, the Latin classics were explained by John of Ravenna, the domestic pupil of Petrarch; the Italians who illustrated their age and country were formed in this double school; and Florence became the fruitful seminary of Greek and Roman erudition.§ The presence

* The name of Aretinus has been assumed by five or six natives of Arezzo in Tuscany, of whom the most famous and the most worthless lived in the sixteenth century. Leonardus Brunus Aretinus, the disciple of Chrysoloras, was a linguist, an orator, and an historian, the secretary of four successive popes, and the chancellor of the republic of Florence, where he died, A.D. 1444, at the age of seventy-five. (Fabric. Bibliot. medii Evi, tom. i. p. 190, &c. Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 33-38.) See the passage in Aretin. Commentario Rerum suo tempore in Italia gestarum, apud Hodium, p. 28—30. In this domestic discipline, Petrarch, who loved the youth, often complains of the eager curiosity, restless temper, and proud feelings, which announce the genius and glory of a riper age. (Mémoires sur Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 700-709.) Hinc Græcæ

Latinæque scholæ exortæ sunt, Guarino Philelpho, Leonardo Aretino, Caroloque, ac plerisque aliis tanquam ex equo Trojano prodeuntibus, quorum emulatione multa ingenia deinceps ad laudemn excitata sunt. (Platina in Bonifacio IX.) Another Italian writer adds the names of

of the emperor recalled Chrysoloras from the college to the court, but he afterwards taught at Pavia and Rome with equal industry and applause. The remainder of his life, about fifteen years, was divided between Italy and Constantinople, between embassies and lessons. In the noble office of enlightening a foreign nation, the grammarian was not unmindful of a more sacred duty to his prince and country; and Emanuel Chrysoloras died at Constance, on a public mission from the emperor to the council.

After his example, the restoration of the Greek letters in Italy was prosecuted by a series of emigrants, who were destitute of fortune, and endowed with learning, or at least with language. From the terror or oppression of the Turkish arms, the natives of Thessalonica and Constantinople escaped to a land of freedom, curiosity, and wealth. The synod introduced into Florence the lights of the Greek Church and the oracles of the Platonic philosophy; and the fugitives who adhered to the union had the double merit of renouncing their country, not only for the Christian, but for the Catholic cause. A patriot, who sacrifices his party and conscience to the allurements of favour, may be possessed, however, of the private and social virtues; he no longer hears the reproachful epithets of slave and apostate; and the consideration which he acquires among his new associates, will restore in his own eyes the dignity of his character. The prudent conformity of Bessarion was rewarded with the Roman purple; he fixed his residence in Italy; and the Greek cardinal, the titular patriarch of Constantinople, was respected as the chief and protector of his nation:* his abilities were exercised in the legations of Bologna, Venice, Germany, and France; and his election to the chair of St. Peter floated for a moment on the uncertain breath of a conclave. His ecclesiastical honours diffused a splendour and pre-eminence over his literary merit and service; his Paulus Petrus Vergerius, Omnibonus Vincentius, Poggius, Franciscus Barbarus, &c. But I question whether a rigid chronology would allow Chrysoloras all these eminent scholars. (Hodius, p. 25—27, &c.)

* See in Hody the article of Bessarion (p. 136-177). Theodore Gaza, George of Trebizond, and the rest of the Greeks whom I have named or omitted, are inserted in their proper chapters of his learned work. See likewise Tiraboschi, in the first and second parts of the sixth tome. + The cardinals knocked at his door, but his conclavist refused to interrupt the studies of Bessarion:

palace was a school; as often as the cardinal visited the Vatican, he was attended by a learned train of both nations ;* of men applauded by themselves and the public; and whose writings, now overspread with dust, were popular and useful in their own times. I shall not attempt to enumerate the restorers of Grecian literature in the fifteenth century; and it may be sufficient to mention with gratitude the names of Theodore Gaza, of George of Trebizond, of John Argyropulus, and Demetrius Chalcocondylas, who taught their native language in the schools of Florence and Rome. Their labours were not inferior to those of Bessarion, whose purple they revered, and whose fortune was the secret object of their envy. But the lives of these grammarians were humble and obscure; they had declined the lucrative paths of the Church; their dress and manners secluded them from the commerce of the world; and since they were confined to the merit, they might be content with the rewards, of learning. From this character, Janus Lascaris † will deserve an exception. His eloquence, politeness, and imperial descent, recommended him to the French monarchs; and in the same cities he was alternately employed to teach and to negotiate. Duty and interest prompted them to cultivate the study of the Latin language; and the most successful attained the faculty of writing and speaking with fluency and elegance in a foreign idiom. But they ever retained the inveterate vanity of their country; their praise, or at least their esteem, was reserved for the national writers, to whom they owed their fame and subsistence; and they sometimes betrayed their contempt in licentious criticism or satire on Virgil's poetry and the oratory of Tully. The superiority of

Nicholas," said he, "thy respect has cost thee a hat, and me the tiara." *Such as George of Trebizond, Theodore Gaza, Argyropulus Andronicus of Thessalonica, Philelphus, Poggius, Blondus, Nicholas Perrot, Valla, Campanus, Platina, &c. Viri (says Hody, with the pious zeal of a scholar) nullo ævo perituri (p. 156).

+ He was born before the taking of Constantinople, but his honourable life was stretched far into the sixteenth century (A.D. 1535). Leo X. and Francis I. were his noblest patrons, under whose auspices he founded the Greek colleges of Rome and Paris. (Hody, p. 247— 275.) He left posterity in France; but the counts de Ventimille, and their numerous branches, derive the name of Lascaris from a doubtful marriage in the thirteenth century with the daughter of a Greek emperor. (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 224-230.)

Two of his epigrams against Virgil, and three against Tully, are

these masters arose from the familiar use of a living language; and their first disciples were incapable of discerning how far they had degenerated from the knowledge, and even the practice, of their ancestors. A vicious pronunciation,* which they introduced, was banished from the schools by the reason of the succeeding age. Of the power of the Greek accents they were ignorant; and those musical notes, which, from an Attic tongue, and to an Attic ear, must have been the secret soul of harmony, were to their eyes, as to our own, no more than mute and unmeaning marks; in prose superfluous, and troublesome in verse. The art of grammar they truly possessed; the valuable fragments of Apollonius and Herodian were transfused into their lessons; and their treatises of syntax and etymology, though devoid preserved and refuted by Franciscus Floridus, who can find no better names than Græculus ineptus et impudens. (Hody, p. 274.) In our own times an English critic has accused the Eneid of containing multa languida, nugatoria, spiritu et majestate carminis heroici defecta; many such verses as he, the said Jeremiah Markland, would have been ashamed of owning. (Præfat. ad Statii Sylvas, p. 21, 22.)

* Emanuel Chrysoloras, and his colleagues, are accused of ignorance, envy, or avarice. (Sylloge, &c. tom. ii. p. 235.) The modern Greeks pronounce the ẞ as a V consonant, and confound three vowels (nv), and several diphthongs. Such was the vulgar pronunciation which the stern Gardiner maintained by penal statutes in the University of Cambridge; but the monosyllable ẞn represented to an Attic ear the bleating of sheep, and a bell-wether is better evidence than a bishop or a chancellor. The treatises of those scholars, particularly Erasmus, who asserted a more classical pronunciation, are collected in the Sylloge of Havercamp (two vols. in octavo, Lugd. Bat. 1736, 1740): but it is difficult to paint sounds by words, and in their reference to modern use, they can be understood only by their respective countrymen. We may observe, that our peculiar pronunciation of the th, is approved by Erasmus (tom. ii. p. 130). [It is well known that the Latins substituted v for ẞ in many words derived from the Greek. So also on the other hand, the Greeks reversed the change, in words which they adopted. But they also often used ov to represent the v of other languages. The learned author of the Horæ Pelasgica (part 1, ch. 4), has noticed this in Plutarch, on many occasions," in Syncellus "sometimes," and in Procopius "in some few cases. It may be seen almost constantly in the pages of Ptolemy, as Ouektis for Vectis, Ouenta for Venta, &c. Through want of attention to this, our antiquarian topographers have been led to strange conjectures in their endeavours to find his island of Kúovvog (Kovnos) on the coast of the Trinobantes. See Horsley's Brit. Rom. p. 368; Baxter's Gloss. ad voc. Couennos; and Archæologia, vol. v. p. 286; vol. vi. p. 394.-ED.]

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