pont; but their apprehensions were lulled by the smallness of his original numbers; and their imprudence had not watched the subsequent increase of his army. If he left his main body to second and support his operations, he might advance unperceived, in the night, with a chosen detachment. While some applied scaling-ladders to the lowest part of the walls, they were secure of an old Greek, who could introduce their companions, through a subterraneous passage, into his house; they could soon, on the inside, break an entrance through the golden gate, which had been long obstructed; and the conqueror would be in the heart of the city, before the Latins were conscious of their danger. After some debate the Cæsar resigned himself to the faith of the volunteers; they were trusty, bold, and successful; and in describing the plan, I have already related the execution and success.* But no sooner had Alexius passed the threshold of the golden gate, than he trembled at his own rashness; he paused, he deliberated; till the desperate volunteers urged him forwards, by the assurance that in retreat lay the greatest and most inevitable danger. Whilst the Cæsar kept his regulars in firm array, the Comans dispersed themselves on all sides; an alarm was sounded, and the threats of fire and pillage compelled the citizens to a decisive resolution. The Greeks of Constantinople remembered their native sovereigns; the Genoese merchants their recent alliance and Venetian foes; every quarter was in arms; and the air resounded with a general acclamation of "Long life and victory to Michael and John, the august emperors of the Romans!" Their rival Baldwin

was awakened by the sound; but the most pressing danger could not prompt him to draw his sword in the defence of a city, which he deserted, perhaps with more pleasure than regret; he fled from the palace to the sea-shore, where he descried the welcome sails of the fleet returning from the vain and fruitless attempts on Daphnusia. Constantinople was irrecoverably lost; but the Latin emperor and the principal families embarked on board the Venetian galleys

* The loss of Constantinople is briefly told by the Latins: the conquest is described with more satisfaction by the Greeks; by Acropolita (c. 85), Pachymer (1. 2, c. 26, 27), Nicephorus Gregoras (1. 4, c. 1, 2). See Ducange, Hist. de C. P. 1. 5, c. 19-27.

and steered for the isle of Euboea, and afterwards for Italy, where the royal fugitive was entertained by the pope and Sicilian king, with a mixture of contempt and pity. From the loss of Constantinople to his death he consumed thirteen years, soliciting the Catholic powers to join in his restoration; the lesson had been familiar to his youth; nor was his last exile more indigent or shameful than his three former pilgrimages to the courts of Europe. His son Philip was the heir of an ideal empire; and the pretensions of his daughter Catharine were transported by her marriage to Charles of Valois, the brother of Philip the Fair, king of France. The house of Courtenay was represented in the female line by successive alliances, till the title of emperor of Constantinople, too bulky and sonorous for a private name, modestly expired in silence and oblivion.*

After this narrative of the expeditions of the Latins to Palestine and Constantinople, I cannot dismiss the subject without revolving the general consequences on the countries that were the scene, and on the nations that were the actors, of these memorable crusades.† As soon as the arms of the Franks were withdrawn, the impression, though not the memory, was erased in the Mahometan realms of Egypt and Syria. The faithful disciples of the prophet were never tempted by a profane desire to study the laws or language of the idolaters; nor did the simplicity of their primitive manners receive the slightest alteration from their intercourse in peace and war with the unknown strangers of the West. The Greeks, who thought themselves proud, but who were only vain, shewed a disposition somewhat less inflexible. In the efforts for the recovery of their empire, they emulated the valour, discipline, and tactics, of their antagonists. The modern literature of the West they might justly despise; but its free spirit would instruct them in

* See the three last books (1. 5-8), and the genealogical tables of Ducange. In the year 1382, the titular emperor of Constantinople was James de Beaux, duke of Andria, in the kingdom of Naples, the son of Margaret, daughter of Catharine de Valois, daughter of Catharine, daughter of Philip, son of Baldwin II. (Ducange, 1. 8, c. 37, 38.) It is uncertain whether he left any posterity.

Abulfeda, who saw the conclusion of the crusades, speaks of the kingdoms of the Franks, and those of the negroes, as equally unknown. (Prolegom. ad Geograph.) Had he not disdained the Latin language, how easily might the Syrian prince have found books and interpreters!

the rights of man; and some institutions of public and private life were adopted from the French. The correspondence of Constantinople and Italy diffused the knowledge of the Latin tongue; and several of the fathers and classics were at length honoured with a Greek version.* But the national and religious prejudices of the Orientals were inflamed by persecution; and the reign of the Latins confirmed the separation of the two churches.

If we compare, at the era of the crusades, the Latins of Europe, with the Greeks and Arabians, their respective degrees of knowledge, industry, and art, our rude ancestors must be content with the third rank in the scale of nations. Their successive improvement and present superiority may be ascribed to a peculiar energy of character, to an active and imitative spirit, unknown to their more polished rivals, who at that time were in a stationary or retrograde state. With such a disposition, the Latins should have derived the most early and essential benefits from a series of events which opened to their eyes the prospect of the world, and introduced them to a long and frequent intercourse with the more cultivated regions of the East. The first and most obvious progress was in trade and manufactures, in the arts which are strongly prompted by the thirst of wealth, the calls of necessity, and the gratification of the sense or vanity. Among the crowd of unthinking fanatics, a captive or a pilgrim might sometimes observe the superior refinements of Cairo and Constantinople; the first importer of windmillst was the benefactor of nations; and if such blessings

* A short and superficial account of these versions from Latin into Greek, is given by Huet (de Interpretatione et de Claris Interpretibus, p. 131-135). Maximus Planudes, a monk of Constantinople (A.D. 1327 -1353), has translated Cæsar's Commentaries, the Somnium Scipionis, the Metamorphoses and Heroides of Ovid, &c. (Fabric. Bib. Græc. tom. x. p. 533.) + Windmills, first invented in the dry country of Asia Minor, were used in Normandy as early as the year 1105. (Vie privée des François, tom. i. p. 42, 43. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. iv. p. 474.) [In his History of Inventions (1. 158), Beckmann denies the introduction of windmills into Europe from the East. He shows by the authority of different travellers, that none are to be found in Palestine, Persia, or Arabia; and their common use in the West, at the time mentioned, is a proof of an earlier origin. They were probably invented in the Netherlands, where the industry of Europe was first developed (Hallam, 3. 375); and in the twelfth century had made some proficiency in assisting manufacturing skill by

are enjoyed without any grateful remembrance, history has condescended to notice the more apparent luxuries of silk and sugar, which were transported into Italy from Greece and Egypt. But the intellectual wants of the Latins were more slowly felt and supplied; the ardour of studious curiosity was awakened in Europe by different causes and more recent events; and, in the age of the crusades, they viewed with careless indifference the literature of the Greeks and Arabians. Some rudiments of mathematical and medicinal knowledge might be imparted in practice and in figures; necessity might produce some interpreters for the grosser business of merchants and soldiers; but the commerce of the Orientals had not diffused the study and knowledge of their languages in the schools of Europe.* If a similar principle of religion repulsed the idiom of the Koran, it should have excited their patience and curiosity to understand the original text of the gospel; and the same grammar would have unfolded the sense of Plato and the beauties of Homer. Yet in a reign of sixty years, the Latins of Constantinople disdained the speech and learning of their subjects; and the manuscripts were the only treasures which the natives might enjoy without rapine or envy. Aristotle was indeed the oracle of the Western universities, but it was a barbarous Aristotle; and, instead of ascending to the fountain head, his Latin votaries humbly accepted a corrupt and remote version from the Jews and Moors of Andalusia. The principle of the crusades was a savage fanaticism; and the most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the relics of Greece and Palestine ;† and each relic was preceded and followed by a train of miracles

rude machinery. Such a people hearing of the service rendered to other lands by water-mills, which their want of running streams denied to them, are the most likely to have learned how to avail themselves of the power which currents of air afforded. The forests of windmills that surround Dutch towns, and the various purposes to which they are auxiliary, are even now the wonder of travellers.-ED.]

* See the complaints of Roger Bacon. (Biographia Britannica, vol. i. p. 418, Kippis's edition.) If Bacon himself, or Gerbert, understood some Greeks, they were prodigies, and owed nothing to the commerce of the East. + Such was the opinion of the great Leibnitz (ŒŒuvres de Fontenelle, tom. v. p. 458), a master of the history of the middle ages. I shall only instance the pedigree of the

and visions. The belief of the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice by new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisition, the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed from the baleful fountain of the holy war. The active spirit of the Latins preyed on the vitals of their reason and religion; and if the ninth and tenth centuries were the times of darkness, the thirteenth and fourteenth were the age of absurdity and fable.

*

In the profession of Christianity, in the cultivation of a fertile land, the Northern conquerors of the Roman empire insensibly mingled with the provincials, and rekindled the embers of the arts of antiquity. Their settlements about the age of Charlemagne had acquired some degree of order and stability, when they were overwhelmed by new swarms of invaders, the Normans, Saracens, and Hungarians, who replunged the Western countries of Europe into their former state of anarchy and barbarism. About the eleventh century, the second tempest had subsided by the expulsion or conversion of the enemies of Christendom; the tide of civilization, which had so long ebbed, began to flow with a steady and accelerated course; and a fairer prospect was opened to the hopes and efforts of the rising generations. Great was the increase, and rapid the progress, during the two hundred years of the crusades; and some philosophers, have applauded the propitious influence of these holy wars, which appear to me to have checked rather than forwarded the maturity of Europe.† The lives and labours of millions, Carmelites, and the flight of the house of Loretto, which were both derived from Palestine. * If I rank the Saracens with the Barbarians, it is only relative to their wars, or rather inroads, in Italy and France, where their sole purpose was to plunder and destroy. On this interesting subject, the progress of society in Europe, a strong ray of philosophic light has broken from Scotland in our own times; and it is with private, as well as public regard, that I repeat the names of Hume, Robertson, and Adam Smith. [M. Guizot here cites Heeren's prize Essay on the Influence of the Crusades, in which that able writer has developed, with a philosophy not less sagacious than erudite, the happy, though remote, effect of these wars. The great minds here adduced, have ably shown how a portion of Europe emerged from the gloom in which for a thousand years it had been plunged; Mr. Hallam in his History of the Middle Ages, has equally illustrated the same subject; nor must we forget how much we owe to Gibbon himself. They, however, regarded the