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longer afford a refuge, and the disciple of Abelard escaped beyond the Alps, till he found a safe and hospitable shelter in Zurich, now the first of the Swiss cantons. From a Roman station,* a royal villa, a chapter of noble virgins, Zurich had gradually increased to a free and flourishing city; where the appeals of the Milanese were sometimes tried by the imperial commissaries. In an age less ripe for reformation, the precursor of Zuinglius was heard with applause; a brave and simple people imbibed and long retained the colour of his opinions; and his art, or merit, seduced the bishop of Constance, and even the pope's legate, who forgot, for his sake, the interest of their master and their order. Their tardy zeal was quickened by the fierce exhortations of St. Bernard; and the enemy of the

* A Roman inscription of Statio Turicensis has been found at Zurich (D'Anville, Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 642-644); but it is without sufficient warrant, that the city and canton have usurped, and even monopolised, the names of Tigurum and Pagus Tigurinus. [An equal right having been claimed for Uri and Zug to deduce their names and descent from the Tigurini of old, the citizens of Zürich invented for themselves a marvellously fabulous antiquity, which dated the origin of their city 2060 B.C. and the tale was repeated till it was believed. When the rational began to doubt, Scaliger appropriated even the inscription GENIO PAG. TIGOR. to Wiflisburg or Avenches, the ancient Aventicum, near Lake Morat, where it was discovered. The Zürichers should be satisfied with going back to their Gothic ancestors. All ancient accounts represent the Tigurini as a Celtic tribe, and this appears probable from their having joined the great Cymri against Rome (Eutropius, 1. 5. Niebuhr, Lectures, ii. 324). In Cæsar's time, some Suevi became masters of the country, which however retained its name; they built the town, those of the Tigurini having been all destroyed. (Cæsar de Bell. Gall. 1. 5.) Other Allemannic tribes afterwards came in. The peasantry are, therefore, a mixed race, as their language proves. (Malte Brun, tom, vii. p. 567.) The three smaller cantons that had founded the Swiss confederation in 1308, awarded precedence to Zürich by a formal act, to mark their sense of so important an accession to their league in 1351.—ED.]

Guilliman (de Rebus Helveticis, 1. 3, c. 5, p. 106) recapitulates the donation (A.D. 833) of the emperor Lewis the Pious to his daughter the abbess Hildegardis. Curtim nostram Turegum in ducatu Alamanniæ in pago Durgaugensi, with villages, woods, meadows, waters, slaves, churches, &c. a noble gift. Charles the Bold gave the jus monetæ; the city was walled under Otho I.; and the line of the bishop of Frisingen,

Nobile Turegum multarum copia rerum. is repeated with pleasure by the antiquaries of Zurich. Bernard. Epistol, 195, 196, tom. i. p. 187-190.

Amidst his

church was driven, by persecution, to the desperate measure of erecting his standard in Rome itself, in the face of the successor of St. Peter.

Yet the courage of Arnold was not devoid of discretion; he was protected, and had perhaps been invited, by the nobles and people; and in the service of freedom, his eloquence thundered over the seven hills. Blending in the same discourse the texts of Livy and St. Paul, uniting the motives of gospel, and of classic, enthusiasm, he admonished the Romans, how strangely their patience and the vices of the clergy had degenerated from the primitive times of the church and the city. He exhorted them to assert the inalienable rights of men and Christians; to restore the laws and magistrates of the republic; to respect the name of the emperor; but to confine their shepherd to the spiritual government of his flock.* Nor could his spiritual government escape the censure and control of the reformer; and the inferior clergy were taught, by his lessons, to resist the cardinals, who had usurped a despotic command over the twenty-eight regions, or parishes of Rome. The revolution was not accomplished without rapine and violence, the effusion of blood, and the demolition of houses; the victorious faction was enriched with the spoils of the clergy and the adverse nobles. Arnold of Brescia enjoyed, or deplored, the effects of his mission; his reign continued above ten years, while two popes, Innocent the Second and Anastasius the Fourth, either trembled in the Vatican, or wandered as exiles in the adjacent cities. They were succeeded by a more vigorous and fortunate pontiff, Adrian the

invectives he drops a precious acknowledgment, qui, utinam quam sanæ esset doctrinæ quam districtæ est vitæ. He owns that Arnold would be a valuable acquisition for the church. [He said that Arnold's words were honey, but his doctrine poison.-ED.]

*He advised the Romans,

Consiliis armisque suis moderamina summa
Arbitrio tractare suo: nil juris in hâc re
Pontifici summo, modicum concedere regi
Suadebat populo. Sic læsâ stultus utrâque
Majestate, reum geminæ se fecerat aulæ.

Nor is the poetry of Gunther different from the prose of Otho.

See Baronius (A.D. 1148, No. 38, 39) from the Vatican MSS. He loudly condemns Arnold (A.D. 1141, No. 3) as the father of the political heretics, whose influence then hurt him in France.

Fourth, the only Englishman who has ascended the throne of St. Peter; and whose merit emerged from the mean condition of a monk, and almost a beggar, in the monastery of St. Alban's. On the first provocation, of a cardinal killed or wounded in the streets, he cast an interdict on the guilty people; and, from Christmas to Easter, Rome was deprived of the real or imaginary comforts of religious worship. The Romans had despised their temporal prince; they submitted, with grief and terror, to the censures of their spiritual father; their guilt was expiated by penance, and the banishment of the seditious preacher was the price of their absolution. But the revenge of Adrian was yet unsatisfied, and the approaching coronation of Frederic Barbarossa was fatal to the bold reformer, who had offended, though not in an equal degree, the heads of the church and state. In their interview at Viterbo, the pope represented to the emperor the furious ungovernable spirit of the Romans; the insults, the injuries, the fears, to which his person and his clergy were continually exposed; and the pernicious tendency of the heresy of Arnold, which must subvert the principles of civil, as well as ecclesiastical, subordination. Frederic was convinced by these arguments, or tempted by the desire of the imperial crown; in the ba lance of ambition, the innocence or life of an individual is of small account; and their common enemy was sacrificed to a moment of political concord. After his retreat from Rome, Arnold had been protected by the viscounts of Campania, from whom he was extorted by the power of Cæsar; the prefect of the city pronounced his sentence; the martyr of freedom was burnt alive in the presence of a careless and ungrateful people; and his ashes were cast into the Tiber, lest the heretics should collect and worship the relics of their master. The clergy triumphed in his death; with

* The English reader may consult the Biographia Britannica, ADRIAN IV. but our own writers have added nothing to the fame or merits of their countryman. [The evanescence of popular enthusiasm, already noticed (vol. vi. p. 484), is seen here under another aspect. Even in their own cause, the fickle multitude are wearied by excitement, and forsake their leaders.-ED.]

Besides the historian and poet already quoted, the last adventures of Arnold are related by the biographer of Adrian IV. (Muratori, Script. Rerum. Ital. tom. iii. p. 1, p. 441, 442.) [The people were not quite so "careless and ungrateful." Arnold was led forth from his

his ashes, his sect was dispersed; his memory still lived in the minds of the Romans. From his school they had probably derived a new article of faith, that the metropolis of the Catholic church is exempt from the penalties of excommunication and interdict. Their bishops might argue, that the supreme jurisdiction, which they exercised over kings and nations, more especially embraced the city and diocese of the prince of the apostles. But they preached to the winds, and the same principle that weakened the effect, must temper the abuse, of the thunders of the Vatican.

The love of ancient freedom has encouraged a belief, that as early as the tenth century, in their first struggles against the Saxon Othos, the commonwealth was vindicated and restored by the senate and people of Rome; that two consuls were annually elected among the nobles, and that ten or twelve plebeian magistrates revived the name and office of the tribunes of the commons.* But this venerable structure disappears before the light of criticism. In the darkness of the middle ages, the appellations of senators, of consuls, of the sons of consuls, may sometimes be discovered.t They were bestowed by the emperors, or assumed by the most powerful citizens, to denote their rank, their honours,‡ prison and bound to the stake at a very early hour, while they yet slept. When they were awakened by the intelligence, they rushed to rescue him, but were repulsed by an overwhelming military force. -ED.] * Ducange (Gloss. Latinitatis mediæ et infimæ Ætatis, DECARCHONES, tom. ii. p. 726) gives me a quotation from Blondus (decad. 2, 1. 2); Duo consules ex nobilitate quotannis fiebant, qui ad vetustum consulum exemplar summæ rerum præessent. And in Sigonius (de Regno Italiæ, 1.6, opp. tom. ii. p. 400) I read of the consuls and tribunes of the tenth century. Both Blondus, and even Sigonius, too freely copied the classic method of supplying, from reason or fancy, the deficiency of records.

In the panegyric of Berengarius (Muratori, Script. Rer. Ital. tom. ii. p. 1, p. 408) a Roman is mentioned as consulis natus in the beginning of the tenth century. Muratori (dissert. 5) discovers in the year 952 and 956, Gratianus in Dei nomine consul et dux, Georgius consul et dux; and in 1015, Romanus, brother of Gregory VIII. proudly, but vaguely, styles himself consul et dux, et omnium Romanorum senator. [Gibbon is here in error: Gregory VIII. was not pope till 1187, and Romanus was not his brother, but brother of Benedict VIII., and afterwards pope John XIX., so notorious for simony, that Baronius wished to exclude him from his list of popes. Muratori, Annal. xiii. 407; xiv. 3. The revival of these titles by Alberic in 932, has been already noticed by Gibbon, vol. v. p. 423.-ED.] As late as the tenth century, the Greek emperors conferred on the dukes of Venice, Naples, Amalphi,

and perhaps the claim of a pure and patrician descent; but they float on the surface, without a series or a substance; the titles of men, not the orders of government ;* and it is only from the year of Christ 1144, that the establishment of the senate is dated, as a glorious era, in the acts of the city. A new constitution was hastily framed by private ambition, or popular enthusiasm; nor could Rome, in the twelfth century, produce an antiquary to explain, or a legislator to restore, the harmony and proportions of the ancient model. The assembly of a free, of an armed, people will ever speak in loud and weighty acclamations. But the regular distribution of the thirty-five tribes, the nice balance of the wealth and numbers of the centuries, the debates of the adverse orators, and the slow operation of votes and ballots, could not easily be adapted by a blind multitude, ignorant of the arts, and insensible of the benefits, of legal government. It was proposed by Arnold to revive and discriminate the equestrian order; but what could be the motive or measure of such distinction ?+ The pecuniary qualification of the knights must have been reduced to the poverty of the times; those times no longer required their civil functions of judges and farmers of the revenue; and their primitive duty, their military service on horseback, was more nobly supplied by feudal tenures and the spirit of chivalry. The jurisprudence of the republic was useless and

&c. the title of πатоç, or consul (see Chron. Sagornini, passim); and the successors of Charlemagne would not abdicate any of their prerogative. But, in general, the names of consul and senator, which may be found among the French and Germans, signify no more than count and lord. (Signeur, Ducange, Glossar.) The monkish writers are often ambitious of fine classic words. [The mayors, aldermen, and councillors of our ancient municipalities, were styled "Prætor et Senatores" by Latin orators. Those institutions, in their best days, were nurseries of a freedom better than Rome ever possessed. It is remarkable that priest, signor, and alderman, are all derived originally from the same idea expressed in different languages.-ED.]

*The most constitutional form is a diploma of Otho III. (A.D. 998) Consulibus senatûs populique Romani; but the act is probably spurious. At the coronation of Henry I. A.D. 1014, the historian Dithmar (apud Muratori, dissert. 23) describes him, a senatoribus duodecim vallatum, quorum sex rasi barbâ, alii prolixâ, mystice incedebant cum baculis. The senate is mentioned in the panegyric of Berengarius (p. 406). In ancient Rome, the

equestrian order was not ranked with the senate and people as a third branch of the republic till the consulship of Cicero, who assumes the

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