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to be enquired into, in a committee for the redress of grievances, before the House went into a committee for granting a supply. The only point, he said, in which the present ministers seemed to concern themselves about the people, was to get their money; but the only point in which the people should concern themselves about the present ministers, was a redress of grievances: the power of granting or withholding a supply, was at once our honour and our strength: if we availed ourselves of it, we should be just to our constituents and posterity; After the opinion if we did not we should be traitors to both. of Mr. Serjeant Glynn had been supported by Mr. Ongley, Mr. Cornwall, and Mr. Dowdeswell, and opposed by Lord North,

Mr. BURKE rose and said:

Sir; whatever may have been usual since the Revolution, and the established permanency of the civil list, we know that the time has been, and I will venture to affirm that the time will be, when we shall first examine grievances and then vote a supply. He who shrinks from a contest, betrays a consciousness that he is weak: we did not want this proof of the weakness of our present ministers; nor do we want any further proof that they are corrupt, than that they are weak. An administration that is weak, must of neces→ sity be corrupt; the support that will not be given must be bought. A corrupt administration must also of necessity be an enemy to liberty, because liberty is an enemy to that: they will be opposed with a zeal too generous to be prudent, and will have frequent opportunities to punish what is laudable in itself for a trivial and accidental excess; wishing for nothing more than an abuse of liberty, as a

North was appointed his successor, and measures were taken to fill up the vacancies occasioned by other resignations. Lord Halifax was appointed lord privy seal, in the room of the Earl of Bristol, who became groom of the stole; Welbore Ellis was made one of the vice treasurers of Ireland, instead of Mr. James Grenville; Mr. Fox was appointed a lord of the Admiralty; and after some time Mr. Thurlow, was made solicitor general, instead of Mr. Dunning; who, notwithstanding his resignation, had held the office till a successor should be nominated.

pretence to destroy it. The press has been loudly complained of, as exciting the public to a breach of their duty, and crying out, like another Massaniello, Pull 'em down, pull 'em down:' but let the men who abused the liberty of the press on both sides be produced: let us see who they are that write against the opposite party Pull 'em down.' I will venture to aver, that those on the side of administration are the worst. The experiment is now trying, whether the liberty of the press be a curse or a blessing: it is easy to see that it will be differently determined by different parties. I see one gentleman who has been in parliament, and who has had a place but one year. I see another gentlemant who has also been twenty years in parliament, and has been without a place but one year. These gentlemen, when place-mongers are proscribed, will have very different sensations. I see very few on the side of the present administration, except those that are attached by golden hooks, and they, indeed, enquire nothing more concerning any question, but what are the commands of the day. Those who now oppose an enquiry into griev ances, have more cogent reasons; they are the persons from whom those grievances arise. Every gentleman who has the true interest of his country at heart, every gentleman who sincerely approves of the measures of administration, and even the ministers themselves, if they are conscious that no just ground of complaint has been given, will concur in the measure proposed, which can be thought dangerous only by those whom guilt has made timid, or pushed into mischievous consequences only by those whom timidity has made desperate.

The House went into the committee of supply.

* Mr. Dowdeswell.

+ Lord North.

REMONSTRANCE OF THE CITY OF LONDON TO THE KING. March 15.

IN N the early part of March, a memorial signed by six liverymen of the city of London was laid before the commoncouncil, complaining that the petition presented to the king the preceding year, had not been answered, and requesting the convention of a common-hall, for the purpose of taking proper measures for the re-establishment and security of their ancient rights and franchises. This memorial occasioned great debates in the common council: it was supported by the lord mayor and sheriffs, and opposed by nearly all the rest of the aldermen ; but such was the prevalence of the sentiments by which it was dictated, that the motion for calling a common-hall, to address a Remonstrance to his majesty, was carried by a considerable majority. The common-hall was attended by nearly three thousand of the livery. The lord mayor spoke of the violated freedom of election; of little, paltry, rotten boroughs; of the number of placemen and pensioners; and of the necessity of a more equal representation of the people. A prepared Remonstrance was then produced, analogous in its contents, to the lord mayor's speech, and proffered for signatures. This paper was received by the livery with shouts of applause, and ordered to be delivered to the king on the throne. As it was intitled an Address, Remonstrance, and Petition, some difficulties arose at St. James's respecting the mode in which it should be presented; but at length the king granted the required audience. The lord mayor, and a train of common-councilmen, liverymen, and city officers, amounting to upwards of two hundred, were introduced to the king on the 14th of March, and presented the Remonstrance. On the following day, Sir Thomas Clavering rose in the House of Commons and said: "Sir, I have waited all the morning with particular anxiety, in hope that something, either by message or motion, would have been submitted to our consideration, relative to the extraordinary Remonstrance of yesterday, in which the independance of this House is not only arraigned, but its authority peremptorily denied, and the sovereign arrogantly informed that we are not

the representatives of the people. As nothing however has been offered upon this important subject, and as the time for making motions is nearly expired, I think it my duty, as a good subject, and an upright member of this House, to move, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House, a copy of a paper, intituled, The humble address, remonstrance, and petition, of the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London, in common hall assembled,' presented to his majesty on the 14th instant; together with a copy of his majesty's answer to the same." Upon this the lord

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* The following are copies of the said Remonstrance, and his majesty's Answer thereto :

"To the King's most excellent Majesty.

"The humble Address, Remonstrance, and Petition, of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery, of the City of London, in Common Hall assembled.

"May it please your majesty; we have already in our petition duti fully represented to your majesty, the chief injuries we have sustained. We are unwilling to believe that your majesty can slight the desires of your people, or be regardless of their affection, and deaf to their complaints: yet their complaints remain unanswered; their injuries are confirmed; and the only judge removable at the pleasure of the crown, has been dismissed from his high office, for defending in parliament the law and the constitution.

"We therefore venture once more to address ourselves to your majesty, as to the father of your people; as to him who must be both able and willing to redress our grievances; and we repeat our application with the greater propriety, because we see the instruments of our wrongs, who have carried into execution the measures of which we complain, more particularly distinguished by your majesty's royal bounty and favour.

"Under the same secret and malign influence, which through each successive administration has defeated every good, and suggested every bad intention, the majority of the House of Commons have deprived your people of their dearest rights.

"They have done a deed more ruinous in its consequences, than the levying of ship-money by Charles I., or the dispensing power assumed by James II.; a deed which must vitiate all the future proceedings of this parliament; for the acts of the legislature itself can no more be valid without a legal House of Commons, than without a legal prince upon the throne.

mayor, Mr. Alderman Beckford, immediately rose and said: "Sir; I should be greatly wanting in my duty, did I not stand

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Representatives of the people are essential to the making of laws; and there is a time when it is morally demonstrable, that men cease to be representatives: that time is now arrived: the present House of Commons do not represent the people.

"We owe to your majesty an obedience, under the restrictions of the laws, for the calling and duration of parliaments: and your majesty owes to us that our representation, free from the force of arms or corruption, should be preserved to us in parliament. It was for this we successfully struggled under James II.; for this we seated and have faithfully supported your majesty's family on the throne. The people have been invariably uniform in their object, though the different mode of attack has called for a different defence.

"Under James II. they complained, that the sitting of parliament was interrupted, because it was not corruptly subservient to his designs: we complain now, that the sitting of this parliament is not interrupted, because it is corruptly subservient to the designs of your majesty's ministers. Had the parliament under James II. been as submissive to his commands, as the parliament is at this day to the dictates of a minister, instead of clamours for its meeting, the nation would have rung, as now, with outcries for its dissolution.

"The forms of the constitution, like those of religion, were not established for the form's sake; but for the substance: and we call God and men to witness, that, as we do not owe our liberty to those nice and subtle distinctions, which places and pensions, and lucrative employments have invented; so neither will we be deprived of it by them: but as it was gained by the stern virtue of our ancestors, by the virtue of their descendants it shall be preserved.

"Since, therefore, the misdeeds of your majesty's ministers, in violating the freedom of election, and depraving the noble constitution of parliaments, are notorious, as well as subversive of the fundamental laws and liberties of this realm; and since your majesty, both in honour and justice, is obliged inviolably to preserve them, according to the oath made to God and your subjects at your coronation, we, your majesty's remonstrants, assure ourselves, that your majesty will restore the constitutional government and quiet of your people, by dissolving this parliament, and removing those evil ministers for ever from your councils.

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Signed by order, JAMES HODGES." His Majesty's Answer.

"I shall always be ready to receive the requests, and to listen to the complaints of my subjects; but it gives me great concern to find, that

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