in these times, about the year 1408, by the abbot of the convent of Dola, in the diocese of Olmutz; the object of which was to guard against and to refute the Wickliffite heresies. Dola was a man by no means disposed to defend the abuses of simony and the bad conduct of the clergy and monks. He complains of it as a grievance, that important men in Bohemia, a country hitherto exempt from all heresies, had contributed to bring their nation into bad repute with foreigners, particularly with the Germans; that they openly and secretly disseminated the Wickliffite doctrines ;* that the writings of Wickliff were scattered over the whole world.† He describes the party as one that boasted of having first made familiar the understanding of the Scriptures, and taken pains to have the gospel preached everywhere. He quotes from their own lips the words: "We preach; we proclaim the word of God; we guide the people." He gives us to understand that they attacked all others as ignorant men (no doubt in reference to their knowledge of the Scripture); that they were opponents of the monks, of the conventual clergy; as the latter, in fact, were the most decidedly opposed to the more liberal Christian tendency.§ Already, too, he found it necessary to defend the doctrine of indulgences against the objections of this party. The author of this work attacks no individual name; he does not even mention that of Huss, whom he undoubtedly had in his eye in speaking of “ men who seemed to be of some consequence." But at this

time the Wickliffites, so called, would be treated with more forbearance, as the opposition within the Bohemian party itself, at the university of Prague, had not as yet broken out; and the abbot himself had, earlier, stood on friendly terms with Huss, and describes him as a man formerly inclined to support the church, and like-minded with himself.**

* Stephanus Dolanus Antiwikleffus, by Pez, Thesaur. tom. IV. pars 2, p. 184.

† Quæ in orbe terrarum hinc inde discurrunt scripta per chartulas. Ibid. p. 213. Ibid. p. 209. § Non sumus, inquiunt, sicut cæteri hominum, idiotæ et claustrales. Il Ibid. p. 214. T Qui videntur esse aliquid.

Ibid.

** Tu vero homo olim unanimis, qui simul mecum dulces capiebas cibos, magnificasti super me supplantationem, in his Antihussus, Pez,

But although such excitement existed between the two parties, yet archbishop Zbynek thought that enough had been done on his part for the suppression of the Wickliffite heresy. He may not have been, himself, so very zealous in this matter. He had his reasons for exercising forbearance towards the party of Huss, which had important adherents in all ranks of society. Violent steps might, in the present times of fermentation, lead to fearful commotions; and king Wenceslaus had not, since the accession of pope Boniface IX., stood on the best terms with the Roman court, as the latter had failed to afford him the desired assistance in his struggle with Rupert for the imperial dignity. His openly-avowed breach with the court of Rome would be favourable to the reform party in Bohemia; and archbishop Zbynek could not reckon on the king's support in carrying out his measures against Wickliffitism. As it might be very prejudicial to the king's interests in relation to German affairs, that suspicions should be raised against the Bohemians by the spread of reports importing that they were inclined to the Wickliffite heresy, he was the more urgent with the archbishop to set on foot an investigation which should vindicate the good character of the Bohemians. In July of the year 1408, Zbynek declared, at a diocesan synod held at Prague, that it had been found, after investigation, that no Wickliffite heresy existed at present in Bohemia.* At the same time, however, he ordered that the writings of Wickliff

Thes. tom. IV. pars 2, p. 380. Cochlæus cites this passage and much other matter from this book in his work Historia Hussitarum, lib. I. p. 39; but he names the author Stephen Paletz. Doubtless he was led to confound him with Stephen Paletz, on account of his having the same Christian name, Stephen, and because the abbot in the place cited, where Cochlæus instead of simul reads semel, which would give a totally different sense at variance with the context, speaks of himself as an old friend of Huss; which confusion was already noticed by the Benedictine Pez, the editor of the writings of this abbot.

*See what Palacky (III. 1, p. 224) remarks, on the authority of certain MS. records, and the words of the Jurist, Master Jensenitz, in his Repetitio pro Defensione Causæ Joann. Hus: Cum in regno Boëmia nullus fidei erroneus vel hæreticus hujusque sit compertus vel convictus, prout pronunciatio principum et baronum inter dominum Sbynconem piæ memoriæ archiepiscopum olim Pragensem et partem adversam approbat. Hus, Opp. I. fol. 832, 2.

should be delivered up,-an order which ended in mere words, the bishop not having the power, and perhaps at that time not even a serious intention, of actually carrying out so radical a measure.

Up to this time, the Bohemians at the university of Prague were still united together, by a common national interest, against the predominance of the Germans. The party favourable to reform would be the most desirous to overthrow this preponderance, the Germans being, on account of their philosophical and theological opinions, the fiercest opponents of the new theological tendency; and by their coöperation, as had been shown at the convocation assembled to condemn the forty-five articles of Wickliff, all measures directed against this tendency might easily be carried through. Combined, in the case of Huss and Jerome, with the religious interest, was that of patriotism; and on this side they might count on receiving the support of many who did not agree with them in religious and doctrinal matters. Huss, the confessor of queen Sophia, could for this reason exercise a greater influence at court. His friend Jerome moved in the most respectable circles. They were supported, in this cause, by the most influential of the nobility. Add to this that king Wenceslaus had a strong political motive, connected with his politico-ecclesiastical plans, for favouring the Bohemian more than the German party in the university. Meantime took place the renunciation of both the rival popes, by the great majority of the cardinals, and the proclamation of the council of Pisa. The king, who had been urged by France, and had separated from Gregory XII., was disposed to embrace the cause of the council. In this view, he might expect more support from the party in favour of reform, than from the Germans who were devoted to the cause of papal despotism. Thus he was induced to put forth an edict, whereby a change was made in the relation of votes at the university of Prague, three being given to the Bohemians, while only one was allowed to the foreigners. Teachers and students of the German nation carried into effect, in the month of September, a resolution which they had bound themselves, under the most sacred oaths, to execute in case the king would give

ex

no heed to their remonstrances, and forsook Prague in vast numbers. The number who left, it seems, cannot be actly estimated. They who reckon highest, estimate it at 44,000; the lowest estimate is 5,000,* Only 2,000 students are said to have been left in Prague,

This was an event which, in its consequences, had the most important influence on the development of the contest, which is now the subject of our contemplation. The Bohemian party at the university had now gained decidedly the ascendency, as was soon made evident by the choice of Huss as rector of the university. But it turned out here as it usually does in political, ecclesiastical, and religious affairs, with combinations formed of conflicting elements, and held together only by the bond of a common opposition. The national interest had thus far brought into union with Huss a set of men, who were unlike him in spirit and temper, and were only not conscious as yet of the opposition really existing between them. A crisis must now arrive, which would operate to separate those who valued the interests of Christianity and reform above all things else, from those who were not disposed in any case to renounce the dominant church tendency. The decisive events which transpired in this stormy period must soon bring about the dissolution of such a union, which was no longer held together by the interest of a common opposition; and men who had fought side by side must be led to fight against each other. Men who had been friends must become the most violent enemies. Amongst those who left the university were to be found eminent scholars who obtained important situations abroad. This emigration was the occasion of the founding of the new university at Leipsic. And the most injurious reports were now circulated abroad respecting the heresies of the party of Huss. All who were determined to maintain the old church system, not merely the friends of the papal absolutism of the middle age, but also those disposed to favour reform, the adherents of the Parisian theology, believed they saw a dangerous revolution, threatening the overthrow of all ecclesiastical order, break

* See the dissertation of J. Th. Held: "Illustratio rerum anno 1409 in universitate Pragena gestarum," and the essays of Pelzel on the history of the emperor Wenceslaus, and Palacky, 1. c.

ing forth from Bohemia, and were therefore of the opinion that every effort should be made to avert this danger. The city of Prague suffered a great loss by this emigration. Even commerce felt the blow; as many merchants had sent their sons to Prague with a view to push their business in that city, and these young men had in part got themselves matriculated in order to enjoy the privileges of the university. An odious light was cast upon Jerome and Huss as the authors of the mischief; and this was marked as one of the ruinous effects of religious schism. Jerome of Prague must therefore defend himself and his friend against the charges brought against them on this side also, at the council of Constance; and he sets forth the motives of patriotism, which had induced them to obtain this decree from king Wenceslaus. After having given an account of the ascendency which the Germans had gained ever after the foundation of the university of Prague, he said, that when he and Huss and other nobles, in Bohemia, perceived that the whole effect of all this would be to exterminate the Bohemian language, they had gone to the king; and he had persuaded his friend Huss, in his Bohemian sermons, to make the people take notice that they ought no longer to tolerate such a thing, nor suffer themselves to be so treated by the Germans; and so, with the help of the Bohemian nobility and others of their countrymen, they had finally carried the thing through.* In like manner Huss was accused, as we find it laid to his charge in his last trial in Prague, in the year 1414, of having driven the German students from the university. But he replied; the German students were driven away by nobody. Their own oath alone drove them away; they pledged themselves on penalty of excommunication for perjury, the forfeiture of their honour, and a pecuniary mulet of 60 groats, that not one of them would remain at the uni

* Ipse vero Hieronymus videns hoc, una cum Mag. Joann. Hus iverunt ad regem Bohemia, concludentes, quod talia essent res mali exempli et tenderent in destructionem linguæ Bohemicalis. Et persuasit Mag. Joann. Hus, quod in sermonibus Bohemicalibus deberet inducere populum Bohemicalem, quod talia amplius sustinere non deberent, quod ita tractarentur per Teutonicos. Jerome, in his last hearing at Constance. See V. d. Hardt, Acta Concilii Constantiensis, tom. IV. pars 2, p. 758.