The English Change Network: Forcing Changes into SchemasWalter de Gruyter, 2013 M07 5 - 426 pages This book introduces the notion of change construction and systematically studies, within a Cognitive Grammar framework, the rich inventory of its instantiations in English, from well-known structures such as the so-called resultative construction to a variety of largely ignored types such as asymmetric resultatives, sublexical change constructions and mildly causal constructions. |
From inside the book
Results 1-5 of 27
Page xiii
... . The FCS for John kicked the ball into the room 175 Figure 21 . The FCS for John hammered the metal flat 177 Figure 22 . The FCS for Sally battered Chris senseless 178 Figure 23 . The FCS for Chris wiped the crumbs Figures and tables.
... . The FCS for John kicked the ball into the room 175 Figure 21 . The FCS for John hammered the metal flat 177 Figure 22 . The FCS for Sally battered Chris senseless 178 Figure 23 . The FCS for Chris wiped the crumbs Figures and tables.
Page xiv
... kicked the ball into the room 183 Figure 25 . The FCS for Sarah kissed the anxiety away from Keith 184 Figure 26 . Figure 27 . A blending analysis of He sneezed the napkin off the table ( after Fauconnier and Turner 1996 ) Two possible ...
... kicked the ball into the room 183 Figure 25 . The FCS for Sarah kissed the anxiety away from Keith 184 Figure 26 . Figure 27 . A blending analysis of He sneezed the napkin off the table ( after Fauconnier and Turner 1996 ) Two possible ...
Page 1
... kicking took place irrespective of success ( i.e. whether John's leg [ s ] made contact with the wall or not ) . Examples like ( 1b ) seem to be obtained from their related transitive versions ( e.g. John kicked the wall ) by adding the ...
... kicking took place irrespective of success ( i.e. whether John's leg [ s ] made contact with the wall or not ) . Examples like ( 1b ) seem to be obtained from their related transitive versions ( e.g. John kicked the wall ) by adding the ...
Page 5
... kicked [ the door ] . a ' . John kicked --- a hole in [ the door ] . b . Zola headed [ the ball ] . b ' . Zola headed --- Chelsea level . 12 We noted in connection with examples such as ( Two constructions 5.
... kicked [ the door ] . a ' . John kicked --- a hole in [ the door ] . b . Zola headed [ the ball ] . b ' . Zola headed --- Chelsea level . 12 We noted in connection with examples such as ( Two constructions 5.
Page 6
... kicking the door , not of John's kicking the hole , of course . " Even more complex is sentence ( 4b ' ) . 15 Head is a ... kicked at the wall . b . John chipped at the rock . ( 5a ) can have a conative interpretation . 14 6 Introduction ...
... kicking the door , not of John's kicking the hole , of course . " Even more complex is sentence ( 4b ' ) . 15 Head is a ... kicked at the wall . b . John chipped at the rock . ( 5a ) can have a conative interpretation . 14 6 Introduction ...
Contents
32 Gestalt versus partwhole properties | 155 |
33 Summary | 159 |
4 Interim conclusion | 161 |
41 Transitivity | 162 |
42 Resultative adjectives | 165 |
The Force Change Schema and the Event Change Schema | 173 |
1 The Force Change Schema | 174 |
11 Subcategorised objects | 175 |
24 | |
27 | |
28 | |
33 | |
40 | |
42 | |
43 | |
44 | |
45 | |
47 | |
49 | |
52 | |
59 | |
60 | |
63 | |
70 | |
72 | |
35 Summary | 76 |
Asymmetric resultatives and the change complex | 79 |
1 Transitivity | 80 |
12 The Direct Object Restriction | 82 |
13 Some problematic data | 86 |
14 Summary | 91 |
21 Allative and ablative prepositions | 92 |
22 Prepositions in the change complex | 100 |
23 The problematic examples | 105 |
24 Summary | 107 |
When properties are not in the eye of the beholder | 109 |
33 Goldbergs 1995 Unique Path Constraint | 115 |
4 Conclusion | 117 |
Motion and idiosyncrasy | 119 |
1 The motion scenario | 120 |
11 The motion scenario is evoked by the construction | 121 |
12 The motion scenario is evoked by the verb | 124 |
13 Summary | 129 |
2 Tight links and information retrieval | 130 |
22 Linking events | 135 |
3 Lexical variation | 137 |
31 Wechslers 2001 approach | 140 |
Abovethenorm reading and tight links | 178 |
13 Mild causality and specification | 201 |
14 Goldbergs 1995 analysis | 211 |
2 The Event Change Schema | 218 |
21 Temporal coextensiveness | 219 |
22 Temporal sequencing | 227 |
23 The transitive Event Change Schema and subject orientation | 229 |
3 Conclusion | 238 |
The Event Force Change Schema and verb classes | 241 |
1 The Event Force Change Schema | 242 |
12 The noncausal variant | 247 |
2 The lack of object orientation | 252 |
21 On satisfaction and love | 253 |
22 to the point of | 260 |
23 Partwhole variants | 264 |
3 On indeterminacy and complexity | 271 |
4 Verb classes | 274 |
41 Middle verbs | 278 |
42 Verbs of manner of motion | 279 |
43 Verbs of accompaniment | 281 |
44 Emission verbs | 284 |
45 Verbs of transformation and creation | 289 |
5 Conclusion | 292 |
atconstructions | 297 |
1 The conative alternation | 298 |
12 Van der Leeks 1996 analysis | 303 |
2 The allative and ablative scenarios | 309 |
Necessary contact without translational motion | 314 |
Translational motion with necessary contact | 319 |
3 Pesetskys 1995 paradox | 323 |
4 Conclusion | 326 |
Conclusion | 329 |
2 Summary | 330 |
Notes | 351 |
References | 379 |
Sources of examples | 389 |
Index | 391 |
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Common terms and phrases
above-the-norm adjectives affected entity affectedness generalisation analysis argued arrow at-construction ball billiard-ball model blend causal Caused Motion Construction change complex change component change constructions change phrase Chris coded Cognitive Grammar Cognitive Linguistics conceptual conceptualised constructional object construed corresponds denotes East Timor emission verbs Eurozone Event Change Schema event component Event Force Change evoked example fact Fauconnier Figure Force Change Schema frightened Goldberg hammered the metal Hence implies input instantiations integration interpretation intransitive involved John hammered kicked landmark Langacker limp Linguistics linked manipulee manner of motion Matthew Kneale meaning metaphorical metonymy motion scenario move noncausal noun part-whole path position predicated prepositional phrase Rappaport Hovav relation resultative construction resultative phrase Sally shouted semantic sentence sound emission spatial specifies struction structure subcategorised object subevents subject orientation subject referent syntactic syntax temporal dependency theme tion trajector transitive verbs unaccusative verbs unidirectional energy flow upper box variant verbal event Vialli Wechsler's