in the garb of a private individual, and was sociable and easy of access: but because he was related to the emperor, and was capable of holding the reins of empire, and because many expected him to succeed to the imperial dignity, and publicly expressed their wishes to this effect, he was commanded to leave this populous city, and retire to Nicomedia. Here he became acquainted with Maximus, an Ephesian philosopher, who instructed him in philosophy, and inspired him with hatred towards the Christian religion; and, moreover, assured him that he would one day attain to empire, whither his own hopes and the wishes of the people already tended. Julian was gratified and cheered, in the midst of his adverse circumstances, by this announcement, and contracted an intimate friendship with Maximus. As these occurrences reached the ears of Constantius, Julian became apprehensive of receiving ill-treatment, and accordingly shaved himself, and adopted externally the monkish mode of life, while he secretly abandoned himself to Pagan superstitions. When he arrived at the age of manhood, his infatuation for Paganism increased; and admiring the art (if there be such an art) of predicting the future, he endeavoured to make himself acquainted with it, and in his researches had recourse to experiments from which Christians are prohibited. From this period, he manifested great regard towards those who held Pagan sentiments; and after his arrival in Egypt he addicted himself with incredible ardour to superstitious observances.

When Gallus, his brother, who had been surnamed Cæsar, was put to death on account of certain innovations which he designed to introduce into the empire, Julian incurred the suspicion of Constantius, who imagined that he was aiming at the possession of imperial power, and therefore put him under the custody of guards. Eusebia, the wife of Constantius, obtained for him permission to retire to Athens, and he accordingly repaired thither, and, under pretence of receiving instruction from the philosophers, he consulted diviners concerning his future prospects. Constantius recalled him shortly afterwards, proclaimed him Cæsar, promised him his sister Constantia in marriage, and sent him to Gaul, where the barbarians, whose aid had been implored by Constantius 1 Sozomen is mistaken here; as Constantia was married to Gallus Cæsar, the brother of Julian. We ought to read Helena.

A. D. 354.]

DEATH OF GALLUS.

205

against Magnentius, finding that their services were not required, had fixed their residence. As Julian was very young, generals, in whom the chief responsibility was vested, were sent with him; but as these generals abandoned themselves to indolence and inaction, Julian assumed the entire conduct of the expedition, used every means to animate the courage of his soldiers, and encouraged them more especially by promising a reward to all who should slay a barbarian. After he had thus secured the affections of the soldiery, he wrote to Constantius, acquainting him with the misconduct of the generals; and when at his request, other generals were sent to take their place, he attacked the barbarians, and obtained the victory. They sent to beg for peace, and showed the letter in which Constantius had requested them to enter the Roman dominions; but instead of dismissing the ambassador, Julian detained him, and, seizing a favourable opportunity for giving battle, he gained another victory.

Some have imagined that Constantius sent Julian on this expedition for the express purpose of exposing him to danger; but this does not appear probable to me. For, as it rested with Constantius alone to nominate him Cæsar, why did he confer that title upon him, if he intended to take his life? or, why did he promise him his sister in marriage, or receive his complaints against the inefficiency of his generals, and send others to displace them? No doubt he was actuated by feelings of regard towards Julian, and by the desire that he should be successful in his expedition. It seems to me that he conferred on him the title of Cæsar from motives of attachment; but that, after Julian had, without his sanction, been proclaimed emperor, he was not averse to exposing him to the perils of the war against the barbarians who had possessed themselves of the banks of the Rhine; and this, I think, resulted from the dread that Julian would seek revenge for the ill-treatment he and his brother Gallus had experienced during their youth, as well as from the apprehension that he would aspire to participation in the government of the empire. But many various opinions are entertained on this subject.

CHAP. III.-JULIAN, ON HIS ACCESSION TO THE THRONE, SOUGHT TO SUPPRESS CHRISTIANITY, AND TO PROMOTE PAGANISM.

WHEN Julian found himself sole possessor of the empire, he commanded that all the Pagan temples should be re-opened throughout the East, that those which had been neglected should be repaired, that those which had fallen into ruins should be rebuilt, and that the altars should be restored. He assigned money for this purpose; he restored the customs of antiquity, and the practice of offering sacrifice. He himself offered libations and sacrifices in the temples, bestowed honours on those who were zealous in the performance of these ceremonies, re-established the priests2 and ministers3 of idols in the enjoyment of their former privileges, and exempted them from the payment of public taxes; he revived the pensions formerly granted to those who guarded the temples, and commanded them to abstain from certain meats, and from whatever the Pagans represented as inimical to purity. He also commanded that the admeasurements of the Nile and the symbols should be conveyed according to ancient usage to the temple of Serapis, instead of being deposited, according to the regulations established by Constantine, in the church. He wrote frequently to the inhabitants of those cities in which the observance of Pagan rites was retained, and urged them to proffer any request that they might desire. Towards the Christians, on the contrary, he openly manifested his aversion, refusing to honour them with his presence, to give audience to their deputies, or to listen to their complaints. When the inhabitants of Nisibis sent to implore his aid against the Persians, who were on the point of invading the Roman territories, he refused to assist them because they would neither re-open

pópovç, regular payments: not new taxes.

2 μvorαι kai iepɛic. The former word, however, is generally used by classical writers for all who were initiated. The term μvoraywyós would be more accurate. See Valesius' notes on Euseb. Vit. Const. i. 32.

3 žoάvwv OεрαTEνтаí. Those who clothed the statues of the idols, and other attendants. They were also called ἱεροστολισταί.

4 ouμßola. There is great doubt as to what is meant by this word here. Valesius takes it as equivalent to idols (dwλa). Lowth would render it" charters." Var. Sacr. Par. ii. p. 395.

5 Compare Socrates, Eccl. Hist. i. 18, and the note of Valesius in loco.

PAGANISM RESTORED BY JULIAN.

207

It

their temples, nor resort to the priests; he would not receive their embassy, and threatened that he would never visit their city until they returned to Paganism. He likewise accused the inhabitants of Constantius in Palestine of attachment to Christianity, and rendered their city tributary to that of Gaza. Constantius was formerly called Majuma, and was used as a harbour for the vessels of Gaza; but, on hearing that the majority of its inhabitants were Christians, Constantine conferred on it the name of his own son, and a separate form of government; for he considered that it ought not to be dependent on Gaza, a city addicted to Pagan rites. On the accession of Julian, the citizens of Gaza went to law against those of Constantius. The emperor decided in favour of Gaza, and commanded that Constantius should be an appendage to that city, although it was situated at a distance of twenty stadia. has since been denominated the maritime region of Gaza. The two cities have now merged into one, under the same magistrates, chiefs,' and public regulations. With respect to ecclesiastical concerns, however, they may still be regarded as two cities. They have each their own bishop and their own clergy; they celebrate festivals in honour of their respective martyrs, and in memory of the priests who successively ruled them; and the boundaries by which the jurisdiction of the bishops are divided are still preserved. It happened within our own remembrance that an attempt was made by the bishop of Gaza, on the death of the bishop of Majuma, to unite the clergy of that town with those under his own jurisdiction, and the plea he advanced was, that two bishops were not required to rule over one city. The inhabitants of Majuma opposed this scheme, and the council of the province took cognizance of the dispute, and ordained another bishop. The council proceeded upon the assumption that it would be unjust to set aside the ecclesiastical privileges of a city which had been deprived of its civil rights by the edict of a Pagan emperor, merely on account of its adherence to the laws of the church. But these events occurred at a later period than that now under review.

1 σrparnyoí, probably the same as the municipal magistrates called duumviri.

CHAP. IV.-JULIAN PERSECUTES THE INHABITANTS OF CÆSAREA. BOLD FIDELITY OF MARIS, BISHOP OF CHALCEDON.

ABOUT the same time, the emperor erased Cæsarea, the large and wealthy metropolis of Cappadocia, situated near Mount Argeus, from the catalogue of cities, and even deprived it of the name of Cæsarea, which had been conferred upon it during the reign of Claudius Cæsar, its former name having been Mazaca.2 He had long regarded the inhabitants of this city with extreme aversion, because they were zealously attached to Christianity, and had formerly destroyed the temple of Apollo and that of Jupiter, the tutelar deity of the city. The temple dedicated to Fortune,3 the only one remaining in the city, was destroyed after his accession; and on hearing of the deed, his anger against the Christians exceeded all bounds. He also blamed the Pagans, who were few in number, but who ought, he said, to have hastened to the temple, and to have risked everything in its defence. He caused all property belonging to the churches of the city and suburbs of Cæsarea to be rigorously sought and carried away: about three hundred pounds of gold, obtained from this source, were conveyed to the public treasury. He also commanded that all the clergy should be enrolled among the troops under the governor of the province, which is accounted the most arduous and least honourable service among the Romans. He ordered the Christian populace to be numbered, women and children inclusive, and imposed taxes upon them as onerous as those to which villages are subjected. He further threatened that, unless their temples were speedily re-erected, his wrath would not be appeased, but would be visited on the city, until none of the Galileans remained in existence, for this was the name which, in derision, he gave to the Christians. There is no doubt but that his

1 The highest mountain of the country: it lies between Cappadocia and Galatia.

2 Valesius remarks that this was the original Syrian name of the town. * τὸ τῆς Τύχης. Scil. ἱερόν. These were called Τυχαῖα, Tychæa. Gregory Nazianzen, in his first Oration against Julian, speaks of the temple dedicated to the genius of this city.

There were three kinds of service among the Romans; they were called Palatina, Castrensis, and Cohortalis. The latter ranked as inferior to the other two, and Valesius remarks that it was very profitable. The word daravnρòv must clearly be rendered "arduous," not "expensive."