knew him personally, and by those who were acquainted with him through the reports of others, John was adjudged worthy, in word and in deed, by all the subjects of the Roman empire, to preside over the church of Constantinople. The clergy and people were unanimous in electing him; their choice was approved by the emperor; messengers were despatched for John; and, to confer greater solemnity on his ordination, a council was convened. When the edict of the emperor reached Asterius, the general of the East, he sent to desire John to repair to him, as if he had need of him. On his arrival, he made him get into his chariot, and conveyed him to Pagras, where he delivered him to the officers whom the emperor had sent in quest of him. Asterius acted very prudently in sending for John before the citizens of Antioch knew what was about to transpire; for they would probably have excited a sedition, and have inflicted injury on others, or subjected themselves to acts of violence, rather than have suffered John to be taken from them. When John had arrived at Constantinople, and when the priests were assembled together, Theophilus opposed his ordination, and proposed as a candidate, in his stead, a presbyter of his church, named Isidore, who took charge of strangers and of the poor at Alexandria. I have been informed by persons who were acquainted with Isidore, that from his youth upwards he led a life of virtue and asceticism, near Scetis. Others say, that he had gained the friendship of Theophilus by assisting him in a very perilous undertaking. For it is reported that during the war against Maximus, Theophilus intrusted Isidore with gifts and letters respectfully addressed to the emperor and to Maximus, and sent him to Rome,2 desiring him to remain there until the termination of the war, when he was to deliver the gifts, with the letters, to whoever might prove the victor. Isidore acted according to his instructions, but the artifice was detected; and, fearful of being arrested, he fled to Alexandria. Theophilus from that period evinced much attachment towards him, and with a view of recompens 1 Socrates also, in the 6th book of his Ecclesiastical History, attests that Theophilus was present at the ordination of John Chrysostom. 2 Valesius says that Isidore had been sent to Theophilus of Alexandria, for the purpose of delivering a pacific or communicatory letter, written to Theophilus by Flavian, to Anastasius, bishop of Rome (A. D. 398). A. D. 398.] RESTORATION OF UNITY. 365 ing his services, strove to raise him to the bishopric of Constantinople. But whether there was really any truth in this report, or whether Theophilus was solely influenced by a sense of the merit of Isidore, in proposing him for election, it is certain that he eventually yielded to the wishes of the other bishops, and nominated John. He was induced to accede to the ordination of John from fear of the menaces of Eutropius, who held a situation in the palace, and who threatened, unless he would vote with the other bishops, to call him to account at the synod for his conduct; for many accusations had been preferred against him. CHAP. III.-PROMOTION OF JOHN TO THE BISHOPRIC. HE RE ESTABLISHES DISCIPLINE IN THE CHURCHES. ROME. DEPUTATION TO As soon as John was raised to the episcopal dignity, he devoted his attention to the reformation of the lives of his clergy, and to the regulation of their pursuits and conduct. He even ejected some of the clergy from the church. He was naturally disposed to reprehend the misconduct of others, and to feel excessive indignation against those who acted unjustly; and these characteristics gained strength after his elevation to the bishopric; for when power was placed in his hands, he became more zealous than ever in testifying his anger and resentment against sin. He did not confine his efforts to the reformation of his own church, but sought to rectify abuses throughout the world. He strove to put an end to the dissension which had arisen concerning Paulinus, between the Western and Egyptian bishops, and the bishops of the East; and requested the assistance of Theophilus in effecting the reconciliation of Flavian with the bishop of Rome. Theophilus agreed to co-operate with him in the restoration of concord; and Acacius, bishop of Beroa, and Isidore, whom Theophilus had proposed as a candidate for ordination instead of John, were sent on an embassy to Rome. They soon effected the object of their journey, and returned to Egypt. Acacius repaired to Syria, bearing conciliatory letters concerning Flavian, from the bishops of Egypt and of the West. By these means, unity was restored among the churches after a long period of mutual animosity and division. The people at Antioch, who were called Eusta thians, continued, indeed, for some time to hold separate assemblies, although they possessed no bishop. Evagrius, the successor of Paulinus, did not, as we have stated, long survive him, and unanimity was the more easily re-established from there being no one to keep up the division. The laity, as is customary with the populace, gradually went over to those who assembled together under the guidance of Flavian and thus, in course of time, unity was restored among them. : CHAP. IV.-ENTERPRISE OF GAÏNAS, THE GOTH. EVILS WHICH HE PERPETRATED. A BARBARIAN, named Gaïnas,1 who had taken refuge among the Romans, and who had risen from the lowest ranks of the army to military command, formed a design to usurp the throne of the Roman empire. With this view, he invited his countrymen, the Goths, to invade the Roman territories; and promoted several of them, who were his particular friends, to the highests posts of the army.2 Tribigildes, a relative of his, who commanded large body of troops in Phrygia, commenced an insurrection; and all persons of judgment rightly inferred, that he was acting in concert with Gaïnas. Under the pretext of resenting the devastation of many of the Phrygian cities, which had been committed to his superintendence, Gaïnas hastened into that province; but on his arrival, he threw aside the mask he had assumed, and openly pillaged some cities, and prepared to take possession of others. He then proceeded to Bithynia, and threatened to attack Chalcedonia. The cities of the East, of Asia, and of the countries bordering on the Euxine, being thus menaced with imminent danger, the emperor and his counsellors judged that it would not be safe at so critical a juncture to give battle to the insurgents without having previously made due preparations, and sent to Gaïnas to offer him whatever he might demand. He requested that two consuls, named Saturninus and Aurelian, whom he suspected of being inimical to him, should be de1 Compare Socrates, Eccl. Hist. vi. 6. 2 Christophorson explains 66 armies: " συνταγματάρχας” by "officers of the but Valesius thinks better to translate it by "chiefs." Sozomen uses the same word in the sense of " tribune," above, b. vi. ch. 6. A. D. 400.] ENTERPRISE OF GAINAS. 367 livered up to him; and when they were in his power, he pardoned them. He afterwards held a conference with the emperor near Chalcedonia, in the house of prayer in which the tomb of St. Euphemius the martyr is deposited; and after he and the emperor had mutually bound themselves by vows of friendship to each other, he threw down his arms, and repaired to Constantinople, where, by an imperial edict, he was appointed general of the infantry and cavalry. Prosperity so far beyond his deserts was more than he could bear with moderation; and as, contrary to all expectation, he had succeeded so wonderfully in his former enterprise, he determined to undermine the peace of the Catholic church. He was a Christian, and, like the rest of the Goths, had espoused the Arian heresy.1 Urged either by the solicitations of his party, or by the suggestions of his own ambition, he applied to the emperor to place one of the churches of the city in the hands of the Arians. He represented that it was neither just nor proper that, while he was at the head of the Roman troops, he should be compelled to retire without the walls of the city when he wished to engage in prayer. John did not remain inactive when made acquainted with these proceedings. He assembled all the bishops who were then residing in the city, and went with them to the palace. He spoke at great length in the presence of the emperor and of Gaïnas, reproached the latter with being a stranger and a fugitive, and reminded him that his life had been saved by the father of the emperor, to whom he had sworn fidelity, as likewise to his children, to the Romans, and to the laws which he was striving to violate. Then, addressing himself to the emperor, John exhorted him to maintain the laws which had been established against heretics, and told him that it would be better to be deprived of the empire, than to betray the house of God into the hands of the impious. Thus did John boldly contend in defence of the church that was under his care. Gaïnas, however, regardless of his oaths, attacked the city. His enterprise was pre-announced by the appearance of a comet directly over the city: this comet was of extraordinary magnitude, larger, indeed, than any that had previously been According to Valesius, the words “Oï rà 'Apɛíov opovovσi" seem not to be the words of Sozomenus, but to have been added by somebody as an interpretation, and ought therefore to be thrown back to the margin. seen. Gaïnas intended to seize first upon the stores of the silversmiths, and to appropriate their enormous wealth. The silversmiths, however, received timely notice of his designs, and concealed the precious commodities, which were usually kept exposed to the view of the public. Gaïnas then sent some of the barbarians by night to set fire to the palace; but fear fell upon them, and they returned without executing the mandate. For when they drew near the edifice, they fancied that they saw before them a multitude of armed men of immense stature, and they returned to inform Gaïnas that fresh troops had just arrived. Gaïnas disbelieved their report, for he was confident that no troops had entered the city. As, however, other individuals whom he despatched to the palace for the same purpose, on the following night, returned with the same report, he went out himself to be an eye-witness of the extraordinary spectacle. Imagining that the army before him consisted of soldiers who had been withdrawn from other cities, and that these troops protected the city and palace by day, and concealed themselves by night, Gaïnas feigned to be possessed of a demon; and under the pretext of offering up prayer, went to the church which the father of the emperor had erected in honour of John the Baptist, at Hebdoma. Some of the Goths remained in Constantinople, and others accompanied Gaïnas, having first clandestinely provided themselves with weapons of war, which they placed in their chariots. The soldiers who guarded the gates of the city, stopped the chariots, and forbad them to carry away arms. The Goths, thereupon, slew the guards, and the city was immediately filled with as much confusion and uproar, as if it had suddenly fallen under the power of an enemy. A timely thought, however, occurred to the emperor at this perilous juncture, which was, to declare Gaïnas a public enemy, and to command that all the Goths within the city should be slain. No sooner was this mandate issued; than the soldiers rushed upon the Goths, and slew the greater number of them; they then set fire to the church which belonged to that people, and in which those who had escaped the sword had taken refuge; as the doors were closed, the barbarians could not effect an exit,2 and they all perished. On hearing 1 66 Τὸν πρόχειρον πλοῦτον” mean "gems, gold and silver vases, and all precious household goods," according to the interpretation of Valesius. 2 By the words "Õig ovketi puyeîv ¿žɛyɛvɛto” is meant either that those 66 |