enemy, like the prey of a hunter, into the hands of his countrymen. For the Persians rushed upon the Romans, having joined to their forces as allies some Saracenic horsemen who were armed with spears. One of them hurled a spear against Julian, which struck him on the thigh near the groin; and when the spear was drawn out, it was followed by a quantity of dung and blood also. One of the body-guard of the emperor immediately attacked the Saracen who had wounded the king, and cut off his head: while the Romans immediately placed Julian, thus mortally wounded, on a shield, and carried him off into a tent. Many even thought that the fatal blow was struck by Julian's own friends, so sudden and unexpected was it, and so much at a loss were they to know whence it proceeded. But the wretched Julian took up in his hands the blood which flowed from his wounds, and cast it up towards the sun, exclaiming, "Take thy fill;" and he added curses upon the other gods as villains and destroyers. In his train was a most distinguished physician, one Oribasius, a native of the Lydian city, Sardis. But the wound was far beyond all medical art, and carried Julian off after three days of suffering, after he had enjoyed the dignity of Cæsar for five years, and the imperial throne two years and a half from the death of Constantius. Philostorgius in this passage writes, that Julian sprinkled his blood towards the sun and cursed his gods. But most historians write that he used this act as an expression of hatred against our Lord and only true God, Jesus Christ."1

It was from the same motive that he caused the cross and symbols of the name of Jesus Christ to be struck out of the Labarum, (see note on b. i. ch. 6,) and reduced the standard to its original form under the Pagan emperors. It was for the same reason also that he favoured the Jews, remitting the tribute exacted from them by his predecessors, burning the records, and casting the odium of these imposts upon the Christians themselves. He also wrote a book against the Christians. Fleury adds, that in his last moments the emperor Julian" spoke in a lofty strain to those about him, saying, that he was content to die; adding, that it was an indignity to bewail a prince who was about to be re-united to heaven and the stars, and discoursed for some time concerning the immortality of the soul, with the philosophers Maximius and Priscus, till death put an end to his sufferings."

c. 1, 2.]

JOVIAN PROCLAIMED EMPEROR.

485

EPITOME OF BOOK VIII.

CHAP. 1.-ON the next day after Julian's death, the soldiers proclaimed Jovian emperor. He found that there was no other means left of escape, for the whole army had been reduced to a tenth of its original numbers; so he concluded a truce for three years with the Persians, on the condition of surrendering to them Nisibis and all the fortresses which had been erected by the Romans as means of defence against the Persians, even as far as Armenia. Moreover, Merobaudes and his fellow-comrades, as they were carrying the corpse of Julian into Cilicia, placed it by accident, and not by design, opposite to the tomb which contained the bones of Maximin, so that the coffins of both were separated from each other only by the highway.

1

CHAP. 2.-Euzoius and the bishops of his party compiled a book in defence of Aetius 2 and his doctrines, but they took no pains to get the matter brought to a satisfactory termination.3 Accordingly Aetius and Eunomius stayed some time in Constantinople, and busied themselves with looking after their own affairs; and having arranged other matters as seemed to them most advantageous, they ordered certain bishops, among whom were Candidus and Arrianus, who were

'Ammianus Marcellinus (Hist. b. xxv. ch. 9) makes out that this was done by Procopius. The emperor Julian died at Tarsus. See Euseb. p. 458, note a.

2 Concerning Aetius, see above, b. vii. ch. 5 and 6.

3 The sense of the passage, according to Valesius, is as follows: "When Euzoius, and the synod held at Antioch during the reign of Julian, had written its synodical epistle concerning the restoration of Aetius and his confederates, they omitted to send it to Eudoxius and the rest of the bishops, (as we learn from above, b. vii. ch. 6,) on account of the persecution of the Christians which was then raging. But when peace was restored after the death of Julian, they transmitted their letter to Eudoxius and the other bishops, but took no pains to carry matters into effect. Accordingly Aetius and Eunomius, who happened to be at Constantinople at the time, perceiving the indolence of Euzoius, sent Theophilus the Indian to Antioch with the special design of urging Eudoxius to help matters forward, and to put the sentence of the synod into execution; or, if not, of engaging him as leader of Aetius's faction there.

4 Concerning Candidus and Arrianus, see below, ch. 4, 6, 7 of this book, and b. ix. ch. 1.

set over the churches of Lydia and Ionia, while Theodulus'1 was promoted from the see of Chæretapa to the bishopric of Palestine. At Constantinople too they chose Pæmenius as bishop of their church, for many seceders from the party of Eudoxius and other sects in that city had swelled the adherents of Aetius and Eunomius. By this act, however, they contrived to incur the hostility of Eudoxius, who had hitherto cherished the hope of cementing a friendship with them. And when Pæmenius died, soon after this, they substituted Florentius in his place, at the same time appointing Thallus bishop of Lesbos, upon the death of the existing bishop. Euphronius, too, they set over Galatia, on the shores of the Euxine, and Cappadocia, as bishop, and Julian over Cilicia. Theophilus the Indian not long afterwards betook himself to Antioch in Cole-Syria of his own accord, for the special purpose of rousing Euzoius to carry into execution the decrees which had been passed in favour of Aetius; and, if he could not accomplish this point, at all events to preside over the people who adhered to his own views of doctrine. But the care of both parts of Libya, and all who professed their doctrines throughout Egypt, was placed in the hands of Serras and Stephen and Heliodorus. In relating all these matters, Philostorgius exceeds all bounds of moderation in praising their eloquence and their sanctity of life to the skies.

CHAP. 3.-Philostorgius makes mention of a certain bishop named Theodosius,3 a most zealous supporter of the Eunomian tenets, but a follower of wanton women, and one who added some other impious tenets to the ancient creed, and especially this, namely, that the nature of Christ was subject to change, but that by the most perfect practice of the Christian virtues he was raised to a state not subject to change; and also that God neither speaks nor hears, for else he would have material hands and ears. Many other impious assertions of the same Theodosius are also related by him.

Concerning Theodulus, see above, b. vii. ch. 6, and below, b. ix. ch. 18; and as to the others, see b. ix. ch. 1 and 18.

2 This is the probable orthography of the name, and not Euphranius. See below, b. ix. ch. 18.

3 This Theodosius is mentioned by Socrates, (Eccl. Hist. b. ii. ch. 40,) as bishop of Philadelphia in Lydia.

c. 4, 5.]

PROCEEDINGS OF AETIUS; OF JOVIAN.

487

CHAP. 4.-Aetius, indeed, went into Lydia to set Candidus and Arrian over the districts of that province. But the aforesaid Theodosius, fearing that their life would be the condemnation of his own, took up hostilities against Aetius, although previously he had refused to put his signature to the synodical epistle1 against him;2 and having communicated his design to Phoebus,3 who was himself of the number of those who had declined to condemn Aetius, and who was inclined to regard Theodosius in the more friendly manner from early remembrance of him, and from being like to him in the immorality of his life, the two joined forces with Auxidianus, who, like themselves, had been a bishop, and laid their plans against Aetius and Candidus, collected together six other bishops, and having formed themselves into a synod, sent letters by common consent to Eudoxius and Maris. In these letters they condemned the ordination of Aetius as illegal, especially on the ground that after his being deposed from the diaconate, and while as yet he was still under the censure of those who had deposed him, still, though degraded from the lower office, he had been promoted to the higher rank. They also assailed the ordination of Candidus and Arrianus, on the ground that they had been hastily performed without the common consent, and likewise other ordinations which had been held by Aetius. Eudoxius, however, having very readily received this letter, never took the pains to call back to mind the sacred oaths by which he had pledged himself to Eunomius, and the letters which he had written to Euzoius, and the many and various pledges by which he had ratified his promises. But he wrote back to Theodosius and his companions, urging them to carry on the matter with promptness, and exhorting them to reserve their punishments for those who had held ordinations, rather than visit those who had been ordained with penalties.

CHAP. 5.-The emperor Jovian restored the churches to their original uses, and set them free from all the vexatious

4

1 τὸν κατ' ̓Αέτιον τόμον. This word is clearly the correct reading, and not vóμov. Compare above, b. vii. ch. 2.

2 See above, b. vii. ch. 2.

3 Valesius reads Phoebus for Phobus; the individual himself was probably bishop of a place in Lydia called Polychalandus.

4 Tòv άрxaĩοv кóopov. Gothofred asserts that these words refer, not merely to ecclesiastical purposes and ornaments, but that they mean that

persecutions inflicted on them by the apostate Julian. He also called back from exile all whom he had banished because they refused to abandon their faith: among their number was Valentinian, who at that time returned from Thebes in Egypt.

1

CHAP. 6.-Philostorgius says, that Candidus and Arrianus, relatives of Jovian, came to him while he was staying at Edessa, and resisted him in his efforts to conciliate the goodwill of the emperor towards Athanasius. But the emperor referred what was said on either side to be decided by the common voice, and meantime showed no sign as to which of the two sides he regarded with favour.

CHAP. 7.-Eudoxius addressed to Euzoius certain letters against Candidus and Arrianus. Euzoius felt indignant at this step, so he joined forces with Elpidius, and wrote back to Eudoxius, partly in censure of his opinion, and partly, on the other hand, exhorting him the rather to give up opinions of such a nature. At the same time he visited him with a gentle censure for the long delay which he had made in performing the promises which he had made Eunomius in favour of Aetius.

CHAP. 8.-The emperor Jovian, having arrived at Ancyra, on his way to Constantinople, gave the title of "most noble" to one of his two sons, named Varronianus, who was then quite a child. Thence he set out with his army on a further expedition, though it was the very depth of winter, and lost many of his men upon the road; reaching Dadastana itself together with a few survivors.2 Having put up at a certain station on the way, he laid down to take his rest in a bedchamber, the walls of which had been recently white-washed; and when a fire was lit, and the heat diffused itself through the room, the moisture of the newly-stained walls began to exude, and being drawn in by the nostrils in breathing, choked up the passages of the lungs, and suffocated the emperor, after he had held the imperial throne about ten months complete.

the new emperor restored to the churches their ancient immunities and supplies of public corn, of which they had been deprived by Julian. Compare Socrates, Eccl. Hist. b. vi. ch. 3.

1 Concerning Valentinian, see above, b. vii. ch. 7, and compare Sozo. men, Eccl. Hist. b. vi. ch. 6.

2 See Theodoret, Eccl. Hist. b. iv. ch. 5.