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over nearly all the subjects alluded to in the treaty, concluded in the summer of 1867, the extension of which to Mecklenburg and Lubeck was near at hand. The first subject to come under consideration would be the settlement of the relations of commercial intercourse with an adjacent country, closely connected with Germany by similarity of race and a variety of material interests." After enumerating the various bills to be submitted to the Parliament, including a uniform tobacco tax and duty bill, and a treaty of commerce and navigation with Spain, the King concluded by saying: "The friendly relations which the German Governments maintain with all powers, the national prosperity, whose care unites here the representatives of the German races, together with the blessings of peace, for the protection of which the German States have entered into alliance, will remain secure, and with God's help we shall at all times be able to reckon upon the united power of the German people." At the conclusion of this speech Count Bismarck, in the name of the governments constituting the Zollverein, declared the Customs Parliament opened. On the following day the Parliament elected as president Dr. Simson, the Speaker of the North-German Reichstag, who obtained all but thirty (blank) votes. Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Prime Minister of Bavaria, was elected first vice-president by 258 to 43 votes; and Duke Ujest was chosen, on the second ballot, second vice-president by 152 votes; the other candidates, Baron Roggenbach and Neurath, receiving respectively 137 and 7 votes.

In accordance with the parliamentary usages of Germany, the Parliament devoted its attention, in the first place, to the examination of the credentials of its members. On April 29th an excited debate took place in regard to a clause of the electoral laws of Bavaria, by which the right of suffrage was conferred upon "all Bavarian subjects, twenty-five years of age, and paying a direct tax," and which the National Liberals contended was in conflict with the electoral laws of the North-German Confederation, by which ". every respectable citizen, twenty-five years of age," was to be an elector. Despite the protests of the Particularists, who asserted that a Customs Parliament was incompetent to act on such questions, the majority decided that the Bavarian Government should be instructed to remove the aforesaid clause from its electoral laws.

Still more exciting were the debates on the electoral laws of Wurtemberg, by which householders only were admitted to the ballot-box. The manœuvres by which the Wurtemberg ministers, it was asserted, had tried to exercise a pressure upon the electors, and secured the defeat of the National Liberal candidates in that kingdom, led to a most acrimonious debate, which terminated in the adoption (by 162 to 105 votes) of the resolution, moved by Count Bethusy-Huc, “that the Government of VOL. VIII.-14 A

the kingdom of Wurtemberg should be required to conform henceforth more strictly to the stipulations of the late Zollverein treaty."

On May 7th the National Liberals, emboldened by these apparent victories, determined to move an address in reply to the opening speech from the throne, pledging the Parliament in strong terms to the promotion of unity in Germany; assuring the King of Prussia "that a national representation of the whole of Germany, for which the nation had striven for several decades, and which all the German Governments, in times gone by already, had recognized as just and necessary, could not be withheld from the people for any length of time;" and urging him in the most impressive manner "by the united strength of the German nation, and in conjunction with his august allies, to finish the great national structure, the completion of which would secure to Germany safety, power, and peace in its relations with foreign states, and material prosperity and constitutional liberty at home."

They were strongly supported by the National Liberals from the South, and a majority of the Free Conservatives of the North. A motion to set aside the motion for an address, and to enter upon the simple order of the day, was made to decide the question whether the Parliament should extend its deliberations to national politics and the principle of German unity, or confine itself to the economical questions of the Zollverein. The motion was opposed by those in favor of union, and supported by all others. It was carried, after an exceedingly stormy debate, by a majority of one hundred and eighty-six against one hundred and fifty. Count Bismarck was present, but did not speak. Among the notable persons who voted "aye" on this important occasion, were Prince Albrecht of Prussia, the Prussian Ministers of Finance and the Interior, Baron von der Heydt, and Count Eulenburg, General von Moltke, and most of the Southern members, including the Bavarian Liberal Premier, Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, and the Wurtemberg Premier and Minister of Finance, Baron von Varnbühler, and Herr von Mittnacht.

The Parliament then took up the treaty of commerce and navigation, which Prussia, in the name of the Zollverein, had concluded with Spain, and which was ratified, after a brief debate, on the 13th of May.

By far more important and animated was the discussion about the ratification of the commercial and customs treaty, concluded on March 9, 1868, between the Zollverein and the Government of Austria. On May 18th, when the final vote was to be taken, Messrs. Bamberger, Metz, and twenty-nine other Southern and Northern National Liberals, moved "that the Federal Council of the Zollverein should take the necessary steps to remedy the complaints to which the conflict between the reduction of the duties on foreign wines and the existing system of indirect taxation had given

rise in the grand-duchy of Hesse-Darmstadt." Insignificant as this motion was, it afforded the Particularists another opportunity to deny the competency of the Customs Parliament in questions of this description, and led to a very bitter and prolonged struggle, which was rendered especially interesting by the elaborate speeches delivered by Count Bismarck, Völtk, and other prominent members, on this occasion. Bamberger's motion was finally carried by an overwhelming majority, nearly all the Prussian Conservatives voting with the National Liberals. The commercial and customs treaty with Austria, by which the import duties between the two countries were materially reduced, was ratified by a still more decisive majority, only seventeen members, among them Maurice Mobl and other extreme protectionists, voting against it.

The Federal Council of the Zollverein proposed to the Customs Parliament to cover the deficit arising in the budget of the Zollverein in consequence of the ratification of the treaty with Austria, and which was estimated at about 1,500,000 thalers, by imposing a tax of twelve thalers per acre on domestic tobacco, raising the duty on imported tobacco from four to six thalers per cwt., and levying a duty of one-half thaler per cwt. on imported petroleum. The Prussian Minister of Finance, Baron von der Heydt, who was the author of these proposed reforms in the customs and revenue laws, informed the Customs Parliament, in order to overcome its opposition to the duty on petroleum, that it would yield, at the most, six hundred thousand thalers a year; but statistical reports, published at that very moment in the official Prussian Staatsanzeiger, showed plainly that the minister had underrated the quantity of petroleum imported into the territory of the Zollverein, and that a duty of onehalf thaler per cwt. would have yielded, in the year 1867, upward of 800,000 thalers, and in the year 1868 at least one million thalers. For this reason, as well as for others of a constitutional and political character, the Parliament rejected the duty on petroleum, on the 20th of May, by a vote of one hundred and ninety against ninety-nine.

Not more successful was the proposition of the Federal Council in regard to the tax and duty on domestic and foreign tobacco. Instead of adopting the tax of twelve thalers per acre on domestic tobacco, the Parliament fixed it at six dollars, and refused to raise the duty on imported tobacco from four to six thalers.

In consequence of these defeats, Count Bismarck declared at the last sitting of the Parliament, on the 23d of May, that the Federal Council of the Zollverein had instructed him to withdraw the other propositions which the Council had made in regard to changes in the tariff of the Zollverein.

On the same day the Parliament was closed by the King of Prussia, who said in his speech, that "he hoped the results of the session would

strengthen the sentiments of mutual trust between the people of the various states of the Zollverein; destroy the prejudices which have existed in some portions of the country; and prove that the Germans, though apart in some interests, were one people in warm brotherly feeling." He predicted that the most desirable blending of the financial and economical interests, to which the Zollverein owed its rise and prosperity, would be brought about at the next session of the Customs Parliament by the united efforts of the allied governments and the Customs Parliament; and closed by saying that "the rights intrusted to him by Germany would be sacredly exercised as his highest rule of action."

As soon as the Zoll-Parliament had adjourned sine die, brilliant festivities took place in honor of the South-German representatives, in Berlin and other cities of Prussia. A large majority of the representatives made a pleasuretrip to the naval station of the North-German Confederation at Kiel; and they were received there, as well as in Hamburg and Altona, with great enthusiasm by the people and military and civil authorities.

A portion of the South-German deputies, mostly leading members of the Particularists from Bavaria and Wurtemberg, issued, on the 24th of May, a species of account of their stewardship in the shape of the following address to their constituents:

At the close of the first session of the Customs Parliament we consider it our duty to give an account of our acts, and to communicate our experiences.

Convinced that a perfect union would render it easier for us to adhere to the legal basis of the Customs Parliament as secured by treaty, and to hold thereupon the interests confided to our charge, we united as the South-German party, composed of the majority of the Bavarian, all the Wurtemberg, and a portion of the Baden members, and were joined by several other deputies from various parts of Ger

many.

Our organization succeeded in contributing materially to the rejection of the address, the discussion of which in the present critical position of affairs would contradictions existing in Germany, but would have not only have brought out still more strongly the changed the legal character of the Parliament at the first moment of its operations.

We further succeeded in reducing to a tolerably moderate amount the taxation demands put forward sufficiently called for by temporary reductions in the by the Federal Council, which appeared to us not revenue, so that, instead of 2,300,000 thalers in duties and taxes upon tobacco and petroleum, a tobacco duty of only 450,000 thalers has been agreed to. Our party voted unanimously against the petroleum tax, and against any duties being imposed upon tobacco. The majority of the party supported the treaty of commerce with Austria, but the minority opposed it, because its tariff reductions also applied to non-German countries without corresponding concessions. We had no reason to oppose the commercial treaty with Spain, or the bills as to customs procedure.

Summoned at an historically important period to an assembly that represents in material interests a large portion of Germany, and is opposed to parties bent with more or less determination upon bringing the Southwest German countries into full State community with the North, we have considered it incumbent upon us, while closely inspecting governing per

sons and relations, to examine the position of the South-German States toward Prussia and the Northern Confederation, and to communicate to our constituents the results of this examination. We have, however, again recognized that entrance into the North-German Confederation would promote neither the union of the collective nation, nor the constitutional liberty, nor the special interests of SouthGermany, but that, on the contrary, in view of the North-German Constitution, the further preservation of the independence of the South-German States is in all respects advisable.

The overwhelming furtherance of military objects, especially in the Northern Confederation, restricts the promotion of moral and material interests, and, without financially relieving the Prussian people, leads to increased burdens upon its allies. As the necessary consequence of Prussia's traditional policy, this increase will be permanent.

By nearly all parties north of the Main line the subjection of the South-German States is looked upon simply as a question of time, and as an object of the mission of Prussia. That the ultimate absorption of the South in the Prussian union would be the consequence, is apparent to all who do not allow themselves to be deceived by the appearance of political forms of transition. The preponderance of the presiding power, increased by the annexations, affords no space for the justifiable maintenance of the smaller Federal States. In view of these circumstances, it is

DANA, SAMUEL LUTHER, M. D., LL. D., A. A. S., an American chemist, born in Amherst, N. H., July 11, 1795; died in Lowell, Mass., March 11, 1868. He was fitted for college at Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H., and graduated from Harvard College in 1813. He was desirous of becoming a military engineer, and applied immediately after his graduation for an appointment to West Point, that he might prosecute engineering studies there; but, instead of obtaining his request, he was commissioned a lieutenant in the First Regiment U. S. Artillery, and served in New York and Virginia, till the close of the war. Soon after the peace, he resigned his commission, commenced the study of medicine, and received his medical diploma in 1818. From 1819 to 1826 he was a practising physician in Waltham, Mass., and was there brought into intimate relations with the early cotton manufacturers of the State, and having a strong predilection for physical science, in several departments of which he had already made considerable attainments, he was led to give his attention to practical chemistry, in connection with the manufacture and printing of cotton goods. He established on his own account at Waltham, about the year 1826, a chemical laboratory for the manufacture of sulphuric acid and bleaching-salts. This was subsequently merged in the Newton Chemical Company, of which he was chemist until 1834. In 1833, he visited England and spent some months there in chemical investigations. On his return he removed to Lowell, and became the chemist of the Merrimack Manufacturing Company, which position he held until his

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essential to harmonize the active preservation of the independence of the South-German States with the sincere fulfilment of the national duties.

We only see the way to this twofold object in a decidedly liberal policy and in the firm association of the South-German States. We have gained the conviction that it is urgently requisite for these states, governments, and people, to emerge from drifting isolation, and to agree upon common action, especially as regards the military protection of the South, to make their influence felt by unanimous action within the sphere of the Zollverein, and to adopt a fertile initiative in institutions useful to the community. Existing treaties justify the pursuance of this

course.

The union of the South Germans in common action offers no hostile opposition to any other part of the German nation. It will, on the contrary, operate conciliatorily between the great powers, will conduce to European peace and material interests, and render possible to the South-German States the energetic fulfilment of their treaty duties toward North Germany without exposing them to the danger of absorption in Prussia. Although, therefore, we may not recognize, in the close connection of the SouthGerman States with each other, the ultimate satisfaction of material requirements, it yet appears at present the only path leading us, while avoiding seriously threatening dangers, to the final object of a free and united Germany.

death. His investigations on the subject of bleaching cotton, which led to what is known in the arts as the "American method of bleaching," attracted great attention in Europe. They were first published abroad in the Bulletin of the Industrial Society of Mülhausen, and the eminent chemist Persoz said of his process, that "it realized the perfection of chemical operations." He also made many important improvements in the printing of cottons, and the chemical processes involved in that work, which have given to the Merrimack prints the highest reputation of any printed goods in the country. He devoted much time to investigations in regard to the injurious influence of lead pipes for water for drinking and culinary purposes, and, besides an essay on the subject, translated and edited, with large additions, Tanquerel's "Treatise on Lead Diseases." He had also given much attention to Agricultural chemistry, and his "Farmers' Muck Manual,” published in 1842, and his "Essay on Manures," issued in 1843, are still standard works on these subjects. Aside from these works, he had published as early as 1833 an exposition of the "Chemical Changes occurring in the Manufacture of Sulphuric Acid;" several papers in the North American Review and the American Journal of Science, and in 1818, in conjunction with his brother, James Freeman Dana, the "Mineralogy and Geology of Boston and its Vicinity." For fifteen years of the thirty-four in which he was employed in Lowell, he resided on his farm at Tyngsborough.

DELAWARE. This State financially is in a prosperous condition. The settled policy of

its Legislature has been to avoid a national debt. During the recent war, however, a debt was contracted to provide the number of men, demanded of the State by the Federal Government, without conscription. This debt consists of bonds authorized to be issued in 1864 and 1865, and amounts to $1,110,000. The State is also liable for certain internal improvement bonds issued to railroad companies, amounting to $346,000. The real and apparent indebtedness of the State thus amounts to $1,456,000. The investments of the State, consisting of bank stock and loans to improvement corporations, amount to $850,150, which, deducted from the debt, leaves $605,850. The income derived from these investments has been appropriated in part to support the State government and in part to purposes of education. The amount thus applied to free schools during the year 1868-'69 was $36,867. The amount of income from all sources for the support of the government was $30,349, which, with the previous balance on hand, made an unappropriated surplus at the close of the year of $37,796. It was anticipated that the Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Wilmington Railroad would resist the further payment of an annual tax to the State. The principal source of revenue in former years had been the tax on the banks. Upon the change from State to national banks, all but two had ceased to pay this tax. The tax on the railroads, although less than in previous years, was sufficient to pay the interest on the State debt. This decrease was ascribed to a diminution of passengers since the close of the war. It becomes, therefore, a financial question whether the State should not impose a small tax to provide against any contingencies that might affect her credit. This tax, it was suggested by the Governor, should include bonds and mortgages and machinery, and reach the national banks. The Legislature at the beginning of the year was Democratic, with the exception of two members of the Senate. Its acts were entirely of a local nature.

The State is strongly Democratic. At a convention held in June, to nominate delegates to the National Democratic Convention, the following resolutions were adopted:

Resolved, That the elective franchise is a political privilege and not a natural right, and is to be granted or withheld by the several States to their respective inhabitants as in the free, sound judgment and discretion of each State shall be deemed best for the public interest and welfare.

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Resolved, That we regard negro rule in this country, under its names of impartial" or "universal suffrage," as the vital issue against which, as the champions of a constitutional government founded on the consent of free white men, we are ever arrayed-and that our delegates to to the National Convention, to be held at New York, while left to their own sound discretion in selecting worthy candidates for the presidency and the vice-presidency, are hereby instructed to vote for no candidate who is not clearly and distinctly in favor of ruling this country by the virtue and intelligence of white men only.

At the convention of the Republican party, held on April 23d to nominate delegates to the National Republican Convention, the following resolutions were adopted:

Resolved, That we approve the plan adopted by Congress for the reorganization of the rebel States; that its vital principle of impartial suffrage is just as well as politic, and that in view of the action of Conexpress the hope that such an amendment of the gress already had, as well as of natural justice, we Constitution of the United States will be made as will secure the application of the principle throughout the Republic.

assistance in the maintenance of the national faith Resolved, That we give one voice to and pledge our and credit, insisting that, in the payment of the debt, the spirit of contract shall be truly and honorably observed.

At the election for President, Seymour, Democrat, received 10,980 votes; and Grant, Republican, received 7,623: Democratic majority 3,357. The Legislature chosen at this election was entirely Democratic.

DENMARK, a kingdom in Europe. King, Christian IX., born on April 8, 1808; succeeded King Frederick VII. on November 15, 1863. Heir, Prince Frederick, born June 3, 1843; betrothed with Princess Louisa, of Sweden, on July 15, 1868. Area of Denmark Proper, 14,698 English_square miles; of the dependencies Faroe, Iceland, Danish settlements in Greenland, the islands of St. Croix, St. Thomas, and St. John, in the West Indies, 40,214 square miles. Minister of the United States in Denmark, George H. Yeaman, appointed in 1865. The population of Denmark, according to the official census of 1860, was 1,608,095; in 1865, it was estimated at 1,717,802. The population of the Danish dependencies, in 1860, was 108,983. In the budget for the year 1868-69 the revenue is estimated at 27,438,748 rixdollars; the expenditures at 28,024,955. The public debt, on March 31, 1868, amounted to 132,685,400 rix-dollars. The army,* in 1868, was composed as follows:

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cent.; and of those taking part in the foreign navigation, 18,419, or 51.3 per cent.

The merchant navy, on March 31, 1867, consisted of 3,736 vessels, among which were 77 steamers, together of 86,230 lasts.

In January both Chambers of the Diet gave their assent to the treaty with the United States relative to the sale of two of the Danish islands in the West Indies.

On March 3d, the Minister of Public Worship, Bishop Kierkegaard, tendered his resignation, on the ground of ill-health.

On April 9th, a postal treaty was signed at Copenhagen, with the North-German Confed

eration.

On May 20th, the Danish Diet was prorogued, the president of the ministry reading the royal message.

In August, the balance of the 29,000,000 thalers, due by Prussia to Denmark, in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace concluded at Vienna, were paid over to the Danish plenipotentiary at Berlin. The state council's levy, five and a half millions of this amount, had previously been paid.

On October 5th, the King opened a new session of the Diet with a speech from the throne, in the course of which he thus referred to the most important events in the foreign and domestic relations of the kingdom:

The confidential negotiations with Prussia respecting the free vote in North Schleswig, provided for in the treaty of Prague, have hitherto been without result. Our views of what justice and the well-understood interests of both countries require in this matter

are unaltered. We must regard it as our first duty to cooperate toward no arrangement which, while not satisfying the wants of the inhabitants, might lead to future difficulties for the Danish kingdom in its relations with a country with which we wish to remain upon a friendly footing. We are convinced that Prussia approves these motives, and we hope to succeed in attaining the long-expected settlement on the basis

of the above considerations.

ington.

The treaty with the United States of America for the cession of the Danish West Indian Islands, which has been approved by the Diet, has not yet been finally sanctioned by the United States, in consequence of the state of political affairs in that country, and at the wish of the American Government the term for the ratification of the treaty has been prolonged for another year by the Danish plenipotentiary at WashThe internal condition of the country is satisfactory. Now that Prussia's monetary engagements toward us are settled, we propose to reduce the puble debt by 10,000,000 rix-dollars. At the same time the public Treasury will be able to defray the expenditure for the large public works required for the development of the country. An important railway line has been opened in Jutland, and other works are approaching completion. Private enterprise is developing the rich resources of the country, and the indirect taxes are continually yielding a larger revenue, thus demonstrating increased prosperity, and we therefore fearlessly lay before you bills for adding to the public receipts in order to reorganize the army and the fleet, preferring to bear now the burden of this expenditure instead of resorting to new loans.

DENMARK, THE PRESS OF, IN 1868. On the 1st of March, 1868, there were published in the kingdom of Denmark seventy-four politi

cal papers, twenty-four literary journals, nineteen papers devoted to scientific, agricultural, and mechanical subjects, seventeen sheets, containing only advertisements, and eleven monthly magazines and quarterly reviews. Of the political newspapers twenty-two were dailies, seven tri-weeklies, nine semi-weeklies, and thirty-six weeklies. Twelve new political journals were started in the course of the year 1868, of which five were dailies, and the rest weeklies. Five of the old papers suspended publication or were entirely discontinued. The aggregate circulation of the daily papers of Denmark, in the first three months of the year 1868, was on an average ninety-two thousand copies daily; of the tri-weekly and semiweekly papers, in the same length of time, on an average nineteen thousand copies; and the aggregate circulation of the weekly papers was estimated at a little over fifty thousand copies.

The largest circulation, of any daily paper published in Denmark in 1868, was nine thousand copies; the circulation of four other dailies exceeded five thousand copies; seven other dailies had a circulation of upward of three thousand copies; and the rest of the Danish dailies printed less than one thousand copies daily. Fourteen of the daily papers of Denmark receive daily dispatches from all parts of Europe; the other dailies are furnished from Copenhagen with a brief telegraphic synopsis of the most important news of the day. The sums paid by the Copenhagen and provincial far and special dispatches in the year 1867, press to the Danish telegraph-offices, for reguamounted to about seventy-five thousand rixdollars-a considerable falling off, when compared with the amount paid for the same purpose in the year 1866, when the Copenhagen papers vied with one another in procuring early and detailed telegraphic intelligence from the seat of war in Germany and Italy. The lack of important and interesting events, the continued stringency of the money-market, and the stagnation of business, which caused an unusually large number of failures in Copenhagen in the year 1868, exercised a depressing influence upon the newspaper business in Denmark, and there was, in consequence, a considerable falling off in the receipts of even the most flourishing papers in the kingdom, both from subscriptions and advertisements. There were, however, several occasions on which the Copenhagen papers succeeded in disposing of very large extra editions, as, for instance, during the week of the memorable visit which the delegation of French journalists paid to the Danish capital, and which, owing to the hopes which the Danish people built on an alliance with France in regard to a prospective struggle with Prussia and the other states of the North-German Confederation, assumed the importance of a great national demonstration. On the second day after the arrival of the French guests at Copenhagen, the Dagbladet

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