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ple in the enjoyment of any other constitutional right or privilege.

In conclusion, we would state that we see no reason to apprehend that the State government, under the present constitution, in its legitimate operation, as directed and administered by the several departments, as now constituted, will be more restrictive of the rights of any class of our citizens than is absolutely necessary to harmonize it with and conform it to the requirements of the Constitution and laws of the United States; and we trust the State government will adhere to and make effective the first section in the declaration of fundamental principles embraced in our constitution: "Protection of person and property is the paramount duty of government, and shall be impartial and complete."

After the National Convention of the Democratic party in New York, on the 4th of July, its action was freely and publicly indorsed by the Democrats in Georgia; while the Radicals, including the great mass of the colored citizens, expressed their hearty approval of the nominations and principles put forth by the Republican party at Chicago. The Democrats held a convention in August, unanimously ratifying the New York nominations, and pledging their hearty support to the candidates. They also approved of the platform of principles, "not only for its soundness, but because it recognizes the equality of all the States of the Union." An electoral ticket was then nominated, and a Central Executive Committee appointed, with authority to call a convention, or to "take such other steps as may be necessary to carry out the principles and policy of the party."

It was reported, from time to time, that organizations of colored men were formed for the purpose of military drill, and that assemblages, gathered for political purposes, were wont to come together in arms. Constant apprehensions of violence and of collision between citizens of opposite political sentiments appear to have prevailed in some localities. The Governor and the Legislature received frequent communications from citizens in various quarters, informing them that certain misguided persons were continually endeavoring to stir up strife among the people, and that riot and bloodshed were likely to be the result at any moment, unless measures were taken to check this course of things. Finally the Assembly adopted the following resolution:

Whereas, It being the practice of a portion of the citizens of this State to assemble in large numbers, with arms, for the purpose of exercising in military tactics, and for other unlawful purposes, without authority of law, and to the terror of the good citizens thereof,

Resolved, therefore, by the Senate and House of Representatives, That his Excellency the Governor be, and he is hereby, respectfully requested to issue his proclamation prohibiting such armed and unlawful assemblages. But the right of the people to peaceably assemble for the consideration of matters shall not be impaired by any proclamation of the

Governor.

The Governor accordingly issued a proclamation, on the 14th of September, "commanding all citizens to abstain from any acts of violence

against person or property, or from persuasions which will tend to excite to violence or unlaw

ful combinations, and from all interference with the constitutional right of persons to assemble for political or other peaceful purposes; and to yield prompt and respectful obedience to the officers of the law under all circumstances; and also charging upon the said officers the exercise of great vigilance, that the majesty of the civil law may be vindicated, and great caution, that all their acts may be fully justified, and done in pursuance of our constitution and laws. And to make the Executive for the formation of armed or known that no authority has been granted by unarmed organizations of any kind or character; and that the drilling or exercising in military tactics, with arms, of any organized body of men within the State, except the army of the United States, is unauthorized, unlawful, and against the peace and good order of the State, and must be immediately suspended."

Notwithstanding this proclamation, a hostile collision took place between a body of negroes and whites and the citizens of the village of Camilla, in Mitchell County. The facts relating to this unfortunate affair are briefly

these:

It appears that, a few days prior to the 19th of September, notices were circulated in Dougherty and Mitchell Counties that a great Republican mass meeting would be held at Camilla on that day, at which W. P. Pierce, the candidate for Congress from that district, John Murphy, a candidate for elector, and other prominent Republicans, would address the people. Whether the notice which was meeting contained any suggestion that they given to the negroes respecting the intended should repair to Camilla with arms is a disputed question; but, at all events, on the appointed day a procession of some three hundred, mostly negroes, with flags and music at their head, and one-half or two-thirds of them carrying guns or pistols, marched from Albany toward Camilla, under the lead of Pierce and Murphy. The inhabitants of the village, who, with women and children, scarcely outnumbered the approaching force, had been apprised several days before of the proposed meeting, and the sheriff of the county, learning that the negroes were coming together with arms, met them two or three miles from the town, and endeavored to persuade them to lay aside their weapons. Not succeeding in this attempt, he returned to the village, and called upon the people, as a posse, to aid him in keeping the peace. When the procession entered the village, it was confronted by a drunken man, with a gun, who ordered the band to stop playing. This peremptory command not being obeyed, the man fired his gun, or, as was claimed by the citizens, the piece was accidentally discharged, and, at this signal, the negroes fired upon the inhabitants, and a conflict ensued, in

which eight or nine of the blacks were killed and twenty or thirty wounded, and several of the inhabitants of the place more or less hurt. The negroes fled in consternation, and, of course, no meeting took place.

The Governor at once communicated to the Legislature, which was then in session, an account of the affair, based on the first exaggerated reports, and recommended that a call be made on the Federal Government for a military force to be stationed in Mitchell County to preserve order. The Governor's language is as follows:

In disregard of the proclamation issued on the 14th instant, the right of the people peacefully to assemble has been violently and barbarously impaired, and the civil officers are wholly unable to protect the rights of citizens or maintain the peace. It is earnestly recommended that the Legislature make immediate application to the President for sufficient military force to be stationed in Mitchell County to maintain the peace, protect the lives and property of citizens, and see that the guilty are punished after due process of law. The fact that this occurrence is the result of a determination, publicly expressed, by irresponsible persons of one political party that the other political party shall not hold meetings, is too well known. It is gratifying that this sentiment is confined to a lawless class, and not countenanced or supported by respectable citizens; but the misfortune is that these outrages are not prevented, and, unless physical force is added to the honest efforts of the officers of the law, we shall be thrown into a state of anarchy, when neither life nor property will be regarded.

The subject was referred to a joint committee, who took the testimony of the sheriff, and of several reputable citizens of Camilla, and finally submitted the following report:

The undersigned, appointed, by a joint resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives, to take into consideration the message of the Governor in reference to the disturbance at Camilla, beg leave to make the following report:

They find that the evidence referred to by his Excellency is not sustained by the evidence produced before the committee, and which is herewith returned. They have come to the conclusion that the whole difficulty occurred and originated from a determination of the parties referred to in his Excellency's message, to wit, Pierce, Murphy, and Putney, to enter the town of Camilla at the head of an armed company of freedmen, which right was disputed by the sheriff of the county. The persistence of the one and the determination of the other caused the

disturbance.

They find that the civil authorities have shown themselves able to execute the law, and there is no necessity for any military interference.

A. D. NUNNALLY, of the Senate.
C. C. DUNCAN, of the House.
W. H. HALL, of the House.
W. D. HAMILTON, of the House.
H. MORGAN, of the House.

I agree with the committee, but believe that other legislation is necessary to preserve order and protect persons and property.

W. C. SMITH, of the Senate.

General Marion Bethune, of the House, submitted a minority report, in which he earnestly recommends that the Legislature give the subject its careful attention, with a view to adopting efficient measures for keeping the peace

and preserving order. General Meade, in a report of this affair to the War Department, commended the action of the Assembly in refusing to call for military interference.

With regard to the use of troops in his department, General Meade had applied for instructions earlier in the season, and had been referred to a letter sent from headquarters at Washington to General Buchanan, at New Orleans, which declared that the military forces were to be entirely subordinate to the civil authority, and to be employed only in case of imperative necessity in keeping the peace.

The following proclamation by the Governor, which was published soon after the Camilla excitement had subsided, has appended to it the important portions of General Meade's order with reference to the disposition of the troops under his command, with a view to the approaching presidential election:

Whereas, Notwithstanding the Executive proclamation of September 14, 1868, many lawless acts have occurred in violation thereof, whereby the lives and property of citizens have been destroyed, the right of free speech impaired, the performance of the

duties of the offices to which citizens have been elected denied, and the lives of citizens so threatened as to cause them to abandon their homes and property;

And whereas, "The protection of persons and property is the paramount duty of government, and shall be impartial and complete:"

And whereas, The sheriff of each county is, by law, charged with the preservation of life, property, and peace in each county:

and commander-in-chief of the army and navy of Now, therefore, I, Rufus B. Bullock, Governor, the State of Georgia, and of the militia thereof, do hereby issue this, my proclamation, charging and commanding the said sheriffs, and each and every other civil officer in every county in this State, to see to it that the lives and property of all citizens, and the peace of the community, are preserved, and that all persons are protected in the free exercise of their civil and political rights and privileges. And, further, to make known that, for failure in the performance of duty, the said sheriff's and other civil officers will be held to a strict accountability, under the law; and to charge upon every person, resident in this State, that they render prompt and willing obedience to the said sheriffs, and other civil officers, under all circumstances whatsoever; and that they demand from said officers protection when threatened or disturbed in their person or property, or with denial of political tection, they report facts to this department. or civil rights; and that, failing to receive such pro

The following extract from General Orders No. 27, dated October 8, 1868, from headquarters, Department of the South, is published for the information of the civil officers and the general public, by which it will be seen that said civil officers will, in the performance of their duties, be sustained by the military power of the United States.

Given under my hand, and the great seal of the State, at the capitol, in the city of Atlanta, this 9th day of October, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-eight, and of the Independence of the United States the ninety-third. RUFUS B. BULLOCK, Governor. DAVID G. COTTING, Secretary of State.

General Orders, No. 27. HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, Į ATLANTA, GA., October 8, 1868. Whereas, By an act of the Congress of the United States, approved March 2, 1865, it is made the duty

of the military authority to preserve the peace at the polls at any election that may be held in any of the States;

And whereas, This duty has become the more imperative from the existing political excitement in the public mind, from the recent organization of civil government, and from the fact that Congress has by Statute prohibited the organization of military forces in the several States of this department: it is thereOrdered, That the several district commanders will, as soon as practicable, on the receipt of this order, distribute the troops under their commands as follows:

fore

#

*

In the District of Georgia:

One company 16th Infantry, to Albany.
One company 16th Infantry, to Columbus.
One company 16th Infantry, to Macon.
One company 16th Infantry, to Augusta.

One company 16th Infantry, to Washington,
Wilkes County.

One company 16th Infantry, to Americus.
One company 16th Infantry, to Thomasville.
One company (C) 5th Cavalry, to Athens.
The company at Savannah to be reënforced, should
occasion require, by such number of the men at Fort
Pulaski as can be spared from the post.

*

*

Detachments, when necessary, may be made to points in the vicinity of each post; but in no case, nor on any pretext whatever, will detachments be sent without a commissioned officer, who will be fully instructed by his post commander.

The troops will be considered as in the field, and supplied with the necessary camp equipage; the men to be furnished with common tents, if practicable, and, if not practicable, with shelter tents. Commanding officers are permitted to hire quarters, temporarily, when it can be done for reasonable rates; but this will not preclude the necessity of carrying tents, as the commands, in all cases, must be in readiness to move at the shortest notice, with all supplies required for their efficiency.

District commanders will instruct post commanders in their duties, and the relative position of the civil and military powers. They will impress on post commanders that they are to act in aid of and coöperation with, and in subordination to the civil authorities; that they are to exercise discretion and judgment, unbiassed by political or other prejudices; that their object should be exclusively to preserve the peace and uphold law and order, and they must be satisfied such is the object of the civil officer calling on them for aid; that they must in all cases, where time will permit, apply for instruction to superior authority, but they must at all hazards preserve the peace, and not be restrained by technical points when, in their conscientious judgment under the rules above set forth, it is their duty to act. Post commanders, on being notified of the proposed holding of political meetings, may send an officer, and, if necessary, a detachment, to watch the proceedings and see that the peace is preserved.

To the people of the several States composing the department, the major-general commanding appeals that they will cooperate with him and the civil authorities in sustaining law and order, in preserving the peace and avoiding those scenes of riot and bloodshed, and the wanton destruction of property and life, which have already, in some instances, been enacted in the department. He urges abstinence from all inflammatory and incendiary appeals to the passions; discountenancing the keeping open of liquor-shops on days of political meetings and of election; the abstaining from carrying arms, and asserting the individual right of construing laws by force of arms. No just cause is ever advanced by resort to violence. Let there be charity and forbearance among political opponents, whatever may be the result; let each good citizen determine that all who, under the law, have the right to the ballot shall

exercise it undisturbed. If there are disputed points of law, let them be referred to the courts, and let not mobs, or political clubs, or other irresponsible bodies, construe and undertake to execute the law. This appeal is made in the earnest hope that the major-general commanding can rely on the good sense and correct judgment of the mass of the people, and that he will not be compelled to resort to the exercise of the power with which he is intrusted, and which he will most reluctantly employ. But he thinks it his duty to make known that, so far as the power under his command will admit, he will not permit the peace to be broken, and that he will not be restrained in the conscientious discharge of his duty by technicalities of laws made when the present anomalous condition of affairs was neither anticipated nor provided for.

By order of Major-General MEADE. R. C. DRUM, Assistant Adjutant-General.

The Democratic Executive Committee issued an address, dated on the 26th of September, in which they disclaimed emphatically all intention of encouraging any but peaceable and lawful means of attaining the objects of the party,

one of which was declared to be to test before the proper legal tribunal the constitutionality of the reconstruction acts. With regard to collision and conflict with the blacks, they employ the following emphatic language:

We counsel and exhort our people to forbear all acts of violence upon the colored race-even to endure provocations, which they would not tolerate under other circumstances. They are ignorant, and are led on by designing white men, to make threats, and commit acts of indiscretion, for the purpose of producing collisions between them and the white people -and to resist them by violence will be to enable their white leaders to accomplish their object. For this, and other reasons, we counsel the utmost forbearance which can be exercised.

We advise our people to accord to the freedmen all the rights and privileges which the present laws secure to them. Withhold from them no right to which they are entitled. Let them not be obstructed in the exercise of any privilege which the laws give them. Under our present laws, they are entitled to the right of suffrage. Let them enjoy it freely, voluntarily, and without molestation. On the day of the approaching election, to avoid conflicts, the polls should not be, and will not be, occupied by one race to the exclusion of the other; but arrangements will be made whereby all who are legally entitled to vote shall exercise that privilege, and we believe that our people have the magnanimity to see to it that no freedman who is entitled to the right of suffrage shall be debarred from his free exercise of that right. This is our counsel and advice, and we trust and believe that it will be heeded.

The close of the address is in these words:

Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political-peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administration for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a zealous care of the rights of election by the people; a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia,

our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expenses, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce, as its handmaid; the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press; freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected.

Let the Federal Government be administered upon these principles, and, speaking for the people of Georgia, "we pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor," to maintain the Union in its full vigor.

The negroes held a convention at Macon on the 6th of October, and published an address, in which they declared that the Democrats had been their enemies from the first. They reflect with considerable bitterness upon the course which was pursued to deprive them of the right of holding office in the State, and propose to memorialize Congress in their own behalf. The following are the closing paragraphs

of the address:

Our rights, brethren and fellow-countrymen, have, in spite of our appeals to reason, justice, and patriotism, been set at naught, and even our calm and temperate protest against this nameless outrage was treated with unparalleled contempt. Thus the rights, even under that constitution which, without our help, could not have been framed, have been turned from us. The prejudice of caste, so dominant in the breasts of those who have usurped the power in the absence of those bayonets which had protected us before, will utterly crush and inhumanly oppress us unless we can obtain

redress.

But how shall we obtain it? Far be it from us to

recommend violence; rather let us suffer the outrage longer, and hope for deliverance through milder means. We still have that potent weapon the ballot, and, if allowed to wield it without molestation, which seems very doubtful, we can remedy all evils. We do not recommend you to be satisfied with being a mere packhorse to ride white men into office, whether they are the exponents of our sentiments or not. No; it

would be better that we did not have the ballot.

Such a worthless application of it as that would not pay for the paper to write it upon. But you need have no fears; there are loyal and sober men enough in, this country yet to rule all the fools, traitors, and public disturbers in it, whether they are found in the murdering dens of the Ku-Klux Klan or in bogus Legislatures.

To this end, let us vote unanimously for Grant and Colfax; let us stand by the nominees of the Republican party; let us vote only for those who we know are true in our interest, and in the pending struggle a way of deliverance will be opened. It may cost us much to do so; hundreds of us will likely be killed and driven off to starve, for voting for Grant. But he that ended the war will, when elected, put an end to our troubles and outrages. While we, your representatives assembled in convention, deliberate and endeavor to forecast in our common distress, we shall at the same time address an earnest appeal to Congress to guarantee by adequate legislation the rights, privileges, and immunities provided for us in the Constitution and laws of the United States, and of the State of Georgia.

For you as well as ourselves we shall, in the name of Heaven, humanity, reason, justice, civilization, and Christianity, pray to be delivered from the persecutions of an oppressive, domineering, and unconscionable Democratic majority, the odious principles of which we invoke you, in the name of yourselves, your

wives, and your children, and the liberty and peace of our country, to spurn as you would the deadly fangs of a viper. For there is not a Democrat, living or dead, who is civilly and politically the friend of the negro. They say, however, they are our "best friends." So says the devil.

The election in November passed by without serious disturbance, and resulted in the choice of the Democratic electors, by a vote of 102,822 to 57,134 for the Republicans, the whole number being 159,954, and the majority 45,688.

At the time when the State officials were removed from office by General Meade in January, they refused to turn over to their successors the records and seals of the various departments, and these were not recovered until after the establishment of the regular civil authorities found in the vaults of the Treasury on the 18th under the new constitution. Captain Rockwell of January the sum of ten cents, and afterward found deposited in the Georgia National Bank of Atlanta the sum of $5,222.89, which had been placed there by Mr. Jones, the former Treasurer. Captain Rockwell occupied the position of provisional Treasurer until the 10th of August, during which period the receipts of the department under his charge, from all sources, amounted to $370,639.44. The expenditures of the government for the same time amounted to $272,683.06, and he turned over to the new Treasurer $103,179.37. Mr. Jones had in his hands, when removed from office, funds to the amount of $405,870.83. These he disposed of in payment of interest on the State bonds and in advances to various officers, contractors, etc., with the exception of the $5,222.89, deposited in the Georgia National Bank at Atlanta. A productive source of revenue to the State is the Western and Atlantic Railroad, which yielded to the Treasury, during the nine months ending with the 30th of June, $241,895.44. The various institutions and material interests of the State are as yet at a low ebb, but signs of renewing life appear, and it is to be hoped that the chronicles of another year may record at least the first steps of returning prosperity.

GERMANY. 1. THE GERMAN NATIONALITY.*-No important change was produced in the course of the year 1868. The Government of Baden openly professed a desire to be admitted as soon as possible into the NorthGerman Confederation, and concluded a special military convention with Prussia; but practically no advance was made toward the consummation of a union of all Germany.

The commercial and national unity of the North and South German States received, however, an important recognition in the meeting of the first Customs Union Parliament. (See CUSTOMS [ZOLL] PARLIAMENT.)

A census was taken in December, 1867, in all the North and South German States, show

*See the ANNUAL AMERICAN CYCLOPÆDIA for 1867, for a full statistical account of the extent of the German na tionality.

ing the area and population of the states to be as follows:

STATES.

North Germany.

Sq. Miles. Inhabitants.

The North-German fleet, in 1868, consisted of 53 ships and 36 gunboats, the former carrying 495 guns, and the latter 68. Among the steamers are three frigates (the King William, the Frederick Charles, and the Crown Prince) 185,806 24,043,296 with 55 guns, and one iron-clad corvette (the 5,779 2,423,401 Hansa) with 8 guns. Besides these there are 5,190 560,618 two iron-clad boats (the Arminius and the 2,469 315,622 Prince Adalbert) with 7 guns, five turreted 1,425 803,401 1,404 283,044 corvettes with 140 guns, five smooth-decked 98,770 corvettes with 68 guns, two avisos with 6 180,335 guns, eight gunboats of the first class with 24 197,041 guns, fourteen of the second class with 28 168,735 141,426 guns, and the royal yacht Grille with four 56,805 boats attached. The sailing-ships are-three 111,352 frigates (the Gefion, the Thetis, and the Niobe) 75,074 with 112 guns, three brigs with 38 guns, the 67,500 Barbarossa with 9 guns, and three harborvessels. There are also thirty-two sloops, to each of which are attached from two to four boats armed with guns.

956

760

510

433

438

874

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1,052

Saxe-Meiningen...

Anhalt

1,026

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332

Reuss-Greitz....

145

Reuss-Schleitz..

320

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43,889

88,097 81,186 305,196 48,538 109,572 257,479 160,207 29,910,377

29,373 4,824,421
7,582 1,778,479
5,912 1,434,970
1,690 565,659

62

7,994

Total..
44,569 8,611,523
Total of North Germany.. 160,207 29,910,377
Total of the whole of Germany 204,776 38,521,900

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On February 22d Mr. Bancroft, the American ambassador to the North-German Confederation and the South-German Governments, concluded at Berlin the following convention regulating nationality:

ARTICLE 1. Citizens of the North-German Con

federation who [have become or shall] become naturalized citizens of the United States of America, and shall have resided uninterruptedly within the United States five years, shall be held by the North-German Confederation to be American citizens and shall be treated as such. Reciprocally: citizens of the United States of America who [have become or shall] become naturalized citizens of the North-German Con

federation, and shall have resided uninterruptedly within North Germany five years, shall be held by the United States to be North-German citizens and shall be treated as such. The declaration of an intention to become a citizen of the one or the other country has not for either party the effect of naturalization.

ART. 2. A naturalized citizen of the one party, on return to the territory of the other party, remains liable to trial and punishment for an action punishable by the laws of his original country and committed before his emigration; saving always the limitation established by the laws of his original

country.

ART. 3. The convention for the mutual delivery of criminals, fugitives from justice, in certain cases, concluded between the United States on the one part and Prussia and other States of Germany on the eight hundred and fifty-two, is hereby extended to other part, the sixteenth day of June one thousand all the States of the North-German Confederation.

ART. 4. If a German naturalized in America renews his residence in North Germany without the intent to return to America, he shall be held to have renounced his naturalization in the United States. Re

According to an official report published at Berlin, the effective strength of the NorthGerman army was, in 1868, as follows: 12,696 officers (7,455 infantry, 1,889 cavalry, 1,632 artillery, and the rest engineers, staff, etc.); 39,177 sub-officers; 249,543 non-commissioned officers and men; 2,180 hospital assistants; 9,100 artisans; 493 accountants; 533 veterinary surgeons; 440 armorers; and 76 saddlers-total, 314,238. There are also 73,313 horses (9,428 artillery, 56,436 cavalry, 3.369 infantry, 1,599 train, and 2,390 staff). The annual levy (which was postponed for three months) would have furnished a contingent of 81,204 men. The numbers above given are those of the army when on a peace footing, as at present; if placed on the war establishment, the battalions of the Guard and the Line, which now have each 686 and 534 men respectively, would be raised to their ART. 5. The present convention shall go into effect full strength of 1,000 men, making a total of immediately on the exchange of ratifications and about 977,000 men. The number of horses, shall continue in force for ten years. If neither party shall have given to the other six months' pretoo, on the war establishment is 150,000-vious notice of its intention then to terminate the more than double the present number.

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