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1811. After his graduation he commenced the study of law, and in 1814, having been admitted to the bar, opened an office in Canandaigua, N. Y., to which place his father, on being removed from office by President Madison, because of his opposition to the war with Great Britain, had removed. Francis Granger soon engaged in politics, taking part with his father in favor of DeWitt Clinton and the policy of internal improvements. His first entry into public political life was in 1825, in which year he was elected a member of the lower House of the State Legislature as a representative from Ontario County. He was prominent in the anti-Masonic movement which created such excitement in this State, and was a confrère of William H. Seward, Thurlow Weed, Millard Fillmore, and other young men who at that time were aspirants for fame, and who joined the political crusade against the Masons after the alleged abduction of William Morgan. In 1826 Mr. Granger was reelected to the Legislature, and in 1828 was put in nomination by the anti-Masons as a candidate for Governor. In the same year the Adams Republicans nominated him for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, Judge Smith Thompson being their gubernatorial candidate, which candidacy he accepted. Martin Van Buren and Enos T. Throop were the candidates on the Jackson ticket for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor respectively, in that campaign, and were elected. In the following year Mr. Granger was again reëlected to the Legislature, and in 1830 he became the anti-Masonic candidate for Governor, but was again defeated by Mr. Throop. The people of Ontario sent him to represent them in the Assembly for the fourth time, in 1831. When, in 1832, the Clay Republicans and the anti-Masons coalesced on the same electoral and State tickets in New York, Mr. Granger was again put in nomination for Governor on the ticket of the coalition, but was defeated by William L. Marcy, the candidate of the Democracy. In 1834 the Whig party, made up of antiJackson Democrats and Clay Republicans, came upon the political stage, and Mr. Granger was recognized as one of its ablest leaders. His name was, that year, before the State Convention in connection with the gubernatorial candidacy, but William H. Seward bore off the honor of the nomination. In the fall of that year, however, the Whigs of the Twenty-sixth congressional District made Mr. Granger their candidate for Congress, and elected him. In 1836 the anti-Masons held a National Convention in Philadelphia, and nominated Mr. Granger for the vice-presidency, on the ticket with General William H. Harrison, who was their presidential candidate. At that time the Whig party was not powerful enough to lay claim to being a national party; but they determined to oppose the election of Mr. Van Buren, who was the Democratic candidate. They were not united in the contest, having Harrison, Webster, and Judge H. L. White as

candidates. In the New-England States, except in Vermont, Mr. Granger was on the ticket, as vice-presidential nominee, with Mr. Webster, while in Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, he ran with General Harrison. John Tyler, of Virginia, was the Whig candidate in the residue of the States-Mr. Granger being particularly obnoxious to the Southern States, by reason of his supposed affiliation with the spirit of abolitionism, which was at that time rising into prominence. The election of a VicePresident that year became the duty of the Senate, in consequence of the failure of the electoral colleges to agree upon a nominee, and they selected Colonel Richard M. Johnson for that office. Mr. Granger still remained true to the Whig party, however, and when it came into power, in 1838, he was elected to Congress from the Ontario District, and in 1840 he was reëlected. In 1841 General Harrison, having been elected President, sent Mr. Granger's name in to the Senate for confirmation as Postmaster-General. The President's selection did not meet with the cordial approval of that body, because of Mr. Granger's wellknown Anti-slavery views, but at last his nomination was confirmed; not before he had voluntarily given his promise to President Harrison, however, that, in case he should thereafter act with the Abolition party, he should expect to be removed from his office as Postmaster-General; but he never gave any such cause for removal. He resigned his position in July, 1841, at the request of the New York delegation, in consequence of the rupture which took place between President Tyler (Harrison's successor) and the Cabinet, growing out of Tyler's action on the question of the United States Bank. Mr. Granger was subsequently elected to Congress in place of Mr. Greig, and served in the session of 1841-'42. The Whigs of the Twenty-sixth District tendered him a renomination at the following election; but he declined it, and never afterward held office. Mr. Granger was not inactive as a politician, however, for many years after his retirement from official life. He took a warm interest in the questions that agitated the country during the presidency of Millard Fillmore, and heartily approved the course of the Executive during that exciting period. He is said, also, to have been in sympathy with the KnowNothing movement, and to have counselled the leaders of that party during the political campaigns from 1853 to 1856, but he never took any prominent part before the public as a member of that organization. During the pendency of the late war, Mr. Granger, although understood to be in sympathy with the Union cause, gave no public expression of his views concerning the momentous issues that were then involved. His health began to fail in 1863, and he lost all the relish he had previously exhibited for the excitement of politics. In person Mr. Granger was tall, of commanding figure,

courteous and affable, of a genial, hearty, and affectionate disposition, and was a man whose friendship was to be prized.

GRAYSON, WILLIAM, for many years a political leader of the Democratic party in Maryland, and Governor of the State for three years, born in Maryland, in 1786; died at his residence in Queen Anne County, Maryland, July 9, 1868. An intelligent and honorable member of the planter class in his native State, Mr. Grayson at an early period identified himself with the Democratic, or, as it was then called, the Republican party, and became one of its leading men. He served with distinction for several years in both Houses of the General Assembly, and took a prominent part in that exciting struggle to obtain a new and more liberal constitution for the State, which commenced in 1836, and terminated in 1838 in favor of the Republicans. Gratitude to Mr. Grayson, who had led in this protracted contest, induced them to nominate and elect him Governor. He served from 1838 to 1841 with great credit, and on the expiration of his term retired to private life.

GREAT BRITAIN, or the UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. Area by the latest surveys, 120,879 English square miles. Population, according to the census of 1861, 29,321,288. Government.-Constitutional monarchy. Queen, Victoria I., born May 24, 1819; crowned, June 28, 1838. Heir-apparent, Prince Albert Edward, born November 9, 1841; married March 10, 1863, to Princess Alexandra, eldest daughter of the present King of Denmark, Christian IX. The power of the sovereign in the actual administration of the affairs of the nation, except in some particulars of minor importance, is but little more than nominal, the real administrators being the Cabinet, who remain in power so long as they have the confidence of a majority of the House of Com


At the commencement of the year 1868, the administration was in the hands of a Conservative ministry, Earl Derby being the Premier, and First Lord of the Treasury. (See ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA for the year 1867.) On the 25th of February, 1868, Earl Derby, whose health had for some time been infirm, resigned the premiership, and the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, who had been, during Earl Derby's administration in this and former Cabinets, Chancellor of the Exchequer, was called to the premiership. Two other changes were made in the Cabinet, which, however, still retained its conservative character; these were, Lord Cairns, Lord High Chancellor, in place of Lord Chelmsford, and George Ward Hunt, Chancellor of the Exchequer, in place of Mr. Disraeli.

The Reform Bill, which had been the great measure of Earl Derby's administration, was not yet completed in all its details, and the bills regulating the suffrage in Scotland and Ireland were brought forward and passed after Mr. Disraeli became premier. The measure, in the form in which it finally passed, notwithstand

ing some amendments offered by the Liberals, and engrafted upon it, was essentially Mr. Disraeli's plan, and, as it was carried through Parliament mainly by his adroit management, and under a considerable show of opposition from many members of the party which supported him, he should have the honor of it.

Since the Reform Bills of 1832, which had bestowed the right of suffrage upon many thousands who had not previously been allowed its exercise, and had abolished the greater part of the rotten boroughs, there had been several attempts made to adopt further reforms and extend the suffrage to the working-classes. Reform bills were introduced in 1854, in 1859, and in 1860, but so little interest in the subject was manifested by those who would primarily be benefited by the measures, that they were withdrawn without being brought to the test of a vote. In 1864, Mr. Gladstone, in a public speech, gave the first impulse to a new agitation of the subject. The election of 1865 gave occasion for a somewhat general discussion of the principles on which such a measure should be based. When Lord Palmerston died, and Earl Russell became the Government leader in the House of Lords, and Mr. Gladstone, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, the representative of the Government in the Commons, they at once opened the way for a very full discussion of reform measures. Before the close of the session of Parliament in 1866, the Govern ment introduced a very moderate Reform Bill, the leading provisions of which were the bestowal of the franchise upon occupiers of prem ises of the value of £7 in boroughs and of £14 in counties. With this was subsequently combined a bill for the redistribution of seats in Parliament (i. e. for taking one member from the small boroughs which had two, and giving to the cities and populous boroughs or the great counties an additional member). When this bill was introduced, it did not give satisfaction; most of the Conservatives and a considerable number of the Liberals were not in favor of any change in the franchise; another party desired a more radical measure, and Earl Russell and Mr. Gladstone found themselves deserted at a critical time by a portion of their followers, and on an important clause of the bill they were left in a minority of seven. Accepting this as tantamount to a declaration of want of confidence, the Russell-Gladstone ministry resigned, and a Conservative Cabinet was formed, of which Earl Derby and Mr. Disraeli were the leaders in the two Houses of Parliament. Though Conservative in its professions, this new ministry came into power pledged to bring forward a reform bill. The maturing of this was left to Mr. Disraeli, for Earl Derby was too strongly bound to the old Conservative party to be inclined to take any very active part in it. Mr. Disraeli moved boldly. Aski ful strategist, he saw clearly that the only chance of his continuance in power, and the predominance of the Conservative party, lay

in offering to Parliament a measure which should be more decidedly liberal than that of the Liberal party. Some of the members of the Cabinet, wedded to their old party traditions, could not see the propriety of such a step, and, allowing them to resign, he procured the substitution of other ministers who would not thwart his views. On the 18th of March, 1867, Mr. Disraeli introduced his Reform Bill. Its provisions were decidedly more liberal than those of the Russell-Gladstone bill of the previous year, and, though encumbered with some features of doubtful policy, it was, on the whole, received with considerable favor by the House of Commons. It was, however, amended in many particulars, in some for the better, in others for the worse. The Ministry accepted many of these amendments, and when they were such as they could not yield to, brought the House to reason by a threat of dissolution of Parliament. At length, after a protracted contest, the Reform Bill passed the Commons on the 15th of July, 1867. It was further amended in the House of Lords, and passed as amended August 6, 1867, and returned to the Commons, where all the amendments except one (that for the representation of minorities) were rejected, the vote in the House of Commons standing 253 to 204. On the 12th of August the Lords agreed to the bill as finally passed by the Commons, and on the 15th of the month it received the royal assent and became a law. The most important provisions of this bill, which applied only to England and Wales, were the following:

"Occupation Franchise for Voters in Boroughs.--Every man shall, on and after 1868, be entitled to be registered as a voter, and when registered, to vote for a member or members to serve in Parliament for a borough, who is qualified as follows: He must be of full age, and have on the last day of July in any year, and during the whole of the preceding twelve calendar months, been an inhabitant occupier, as an owner or tenant, of any dwelling-house within the borough, and have during the time of such occupation been rated as an ordinary occupier in respect of the premises so occupied by him within the borough to all rates (if any) made for the relief of the poor in respect to such premises; and have on or before the 20th day of July in the same year paid an equal amount in the pound to that payable by other ordinary occupiers in respect to all poor-rates that have become payable by him in respect of the said premises up to the preceding 5th day of January. No man under this section to be entitled to be registered as a voter by reason of his being a joint occupier of any dwelling-house.

"Lodger Franchise in Boroughs. Every man, in and after 1868, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter, and when registered, to vote for a member or members to serve in Parliament for a borough, who is qualified as follows: He must be of full age, and, as a lodger, have occupied in the same borough, separately and

as sole tenant for the twelve months preceding the last day of July, in any year, the same lodgings, such lodgings being part of one and the same dwelling-house, and of a clear yearly value, if let unfurnished, of ten pounds or upward, and have resided in such lodgings during the twelve months immediately preceding the last day of July, and have claimed to be registered as a voter at the next ensuing registration of voters.

"Property Franchise in Counties.—Every man, in and after 1868, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter, and when registered, to vote for a member or members to serve in Parliament for a county, who is qualified as follows: He must be of full age, and not subject to any legal incapacity; and be seized at law or in equity of any lands or tenements of freehold, copyhold, or any other tenure whatever, for his own life, or for the life of another, or for any lives whatsoever, or for any larger estate of the clear yearly value of not less than five pounds over and above all rents and charges payable out of or in respect of the same, or who is entitled, either as lessee or assignee, to any lands or tenements of freehold, or of any other tenure whatever, for the unexpired residue, whatever it may be, of any term originally created for a period of not less than sixty years, of the clear yearly value of not less than five pounds over and above all rents and charges payable out of or in respect of the same. No person to be registered as a voter under this section unless he shall have complied with the provisions of the twentysixth section of the act of the second year of the reign of his Majesty William IV., chapter 45. (This is the Reform Act of 1832.) "Occupation Franchise in Counties, and Time for paying Rates. Every man, in and after 1868, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter, and when registered, to vote for a member or members to serve in Parliament for a county, who is qualified as follows: He must be of full age, and have on the last day of July in any year, and during the twelve months preceding, been the occupier, as owner or tenant, of lands or tenements within the county, of the ratable value of twelve pounds or upward; and have during the time of such occupation been rated in respect to the premises so occupied by him to all rates (if any) made for the relief of the poor in respect of the said premises; and have on or before the 20th day of July in the same year paid all poor-rates that have become payable by him in respect of the said premises up to the preceding 5th day of January."

It was also provided by the act that the occupier, and not the owner, of any tenement in boroughs, of the rental value specified in the act, should be rated to the poor-rates, and that where he had not previously been so rated, he might deduct these rates from the rental.. Provision was also made in regard to composition of rates, the first registration of occupi

ers, and other particulars in regard to registration and the polling of the votes. It was also provided that successive occupation of different premises in a borough, if continuous, and of sufficient rental value, should have the same effect in qualifying a voter as the continuous occupation of the same premises for a twelvemonth; and that in counties, joint occupation of premises whose ratable value was sufficient to give a vote to each occupier, should not prevent two persons who were joint occupiers, or more if in partnership or connected by blood or marriage, from voting. The boroughs of Totness, Reigate, Great Yarmouth, and Lancaster, were disfranchised and prohibited from returning any member of Parliament hereafter, in consequence of having been guilty of corrupt practices, bribery, etc., etc. This gave seven members to be distributed among new boroughs; and the restriction of all boroughs of less than 10,000 inhabitants to one member, added 38 more for a new distribution, making 45 in all. Of these 25 were given to the larger counties, which were divided into two or more districts for this purpose: 19 were given to the boroughs, 11 of them to new boroughs, and 8 as additional members of large boroughs or cities, and one member was given to the University of London. Persons employed in any capacity for reward, in connection with any election, were prohibited from voting, and severe penalties were to be inflicted on those who were guilty of bribery, either directly or indirectly.

The amendments made by the House of Lords in regard to the representation of minorities were as follows: "At a contested election for any county or borough represented by three members, no person shall vote for more than two candidates." "At a contested election for the city of London, no person shall vote for more than three candidates."

It was further provided that the demise of the crown should not dissolve Parliament, and that members holding offices of profit from the crown should not be required to vacate their seats on acceptance of another office.

The Reform Acts for Scotland and Ireland, passed in the session of 1868, differed in some important respects from that of England. By the act for Scotland, the franchise in burghs was conferred upon every male person of full age, and subject to no legal incapacity, who had been for twelve months an occupier, as owner or tenant, of any dwelling, unless at any time during that period he shall have been exempted from the poor-rates on the ground of poverty, or shall have failed to pay his poor-rates, or shall have been in the receipt of parochial relief within twelve months. The lodger franchise in Scotland consists in the permission of any lodger to vote who has occupied, in the same burgh separately, and as sole tenant, for twelve months, a lodging of the clear annual value, if let unfurnished, of ten pounds or upward, and has claimed to be registered as a

voter. In Scottish counties the ownership franchise is five pounds, clear of any deduction in the shape of burdens, with a residential qualification of not less than six months. The Reform Act for Ireland, which was not passed until July, 1868, made no alteration in the county franchise, but reduced that of boroughs to a £4 rating occupation, with the same qualifications as in England.

The Reform Bill of 1867-68 left in force all the old legal requirements for electors. Under these, aliens, persons under twenty-one years of age, or of unsound mind, or convicted of felony, and undergoing a term of imprisonment, were incapable of voting. No one could be a member of Parliament who had not attained to the age of twenty-one years; and no excise, custom, stamp, or other revenue officer, nor, since 1840, any judges, except the Master of the Rolls, were eligible to election. No English or Scotch peer can be elected to the House of Commons, but Irish peers are eligible. No foreigners, even when naturalized, unless the right be conceded in express terms, and no persons convicted of treason or felony, are eligible for seats in Parliament. The number of members of the House of Commons has been, since 1817, 658, and has varied very little from that number during the present century.

As, by the provisions of the Reform Act, a new Parliament was to be elected in the autumn of 1868, it was very naturally the desire of Mr. Disraeli to so conduct the Government as to secure from the new members, when they should be elected, a decided majority in his favor. He found this, however, a task beyond his powers. The passage of the Reform Act had alienated many of the older and more rigid Conservatives, but had perhaps given him a popular following of equal numbers from some of the quasi-Liberals; but in the new measures which came up in the session of 1868 he was destined to find the elements of his defeat. The war in Abyssinia had been conducted to a successful close, with the storming of Theodorus's capital and the death of the king of the kings of Ethiopia himself (see ABYSSINIA and THEODORUS), and the éclat arising from this seemed at first to be sufficient to carry the Disraeli ministry over the perils of a new election. But a new apple of discord was thrown into Parliament by the great Liberal leader, Mr. Gladstone, on the 30th of March, 1868, by the introduction of a resolution for the disestablishment of the Irish Church. The great bulk of the population of Ireland is Roman Catholic; 4,505,265 of the 5,764,543 inhabitants in 1861 belonging to that faith, while of the remainder, 691,872 were reckoned as belonging to the Established Church of Ireland (Episcopal), and the rest, almost 600,000, were Protestant dissenters. Yet the British Government has maintained the Established Church of Ireland, having less than one-eighth of the population among its adherents, and endowed it with revenues amounting to £580,

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$2,900,000 per annum, sustaining two archbishops and twelve bishops from the church rates and taxes paid largely by those of a different faith. This compulsory support of the Irish Established Church by Roman Catholics and the dissenting bodies has been, for many years, a constant source of complaint by the oppressed parties, and though Parliament has repeatedly attempted their pacification by the Maynooth College and other grants to the Catholics, and the Regium Donum and similar gifts for educational and religious purposes, to some of the dissenting bodies, yet it has held most tenaciously to the Establishment, which has afforded lucrative positions to so many of the English clergy and the younger sons of the nobility, that they were unwilling to have it abolished. It is just this relic of ancient wrong that Mr. Gladstone determined to assail. His attack brought down upon him a torrent of denunciation from the Conservatives, who, raising the cry of "No popery," attempted to create the impression that the Liberal leader was in the interest and pay of the Pope; others predicted that this was but the entering wedge to the entire subversion of the Establishment throughout the British empire. The House of Lords were, very naturally, indignant at what seemed to them a breach of privilege. But Mr. Gladstone persisted, and on the 30th of April, carried his resolution, "that the Irish Church, as an Establishment, should cease to exist," through the Commons, defeating the Government by a majority of 65. Disraeli, however, though fighting bitterly Mr. Gladstone's position, refused to resign, and, while protesting his desire for reform and improvement in the Established Church of Ireland, avowed his belief that the mass of voters in the United Kingdom would not sustain a measure so radical as Mr. Gladstone had proposed, and that the fact could only be determined by an appeal to the enlarged body of voters which would be made in the autumnal election. As it was evident that the House of Lords would only yield to the disestablishment of the Irish Church under a very strong pressure from the Commons, and as, moreover, he desired time to mature fully his plans, and to see how far he would be sustained by the new Parliament, Mr. Gladstone did not attempt to coerce the Disraeli ministry into resignation, but contented himself with bringing forward a bill to restrain the making of any new appointments to fill vacancies, and the building, rebuilding, or enlarging any church edifices or property in Ireland, during the year ending August 1, 1869. This bill passed; and early in July Parliament was prorogued, and the canvass for a new election commenced soon after in earnest. There had been no election so exciting or calling out so much feeling as this since the first after the passage of the previous Reform Bill in 1832. The excitement in some of the cities and larger boroughs culminated in violence and occasionally in bloodshed. Par

liament was dissolved in October, and writs for the new election issued. The voting took place, with a few exceptions, on the 26th of November. The result was a majority for the Liberals of about 112. It had been customary for the ministry previously in power to retain their position till the assembling of the new Parliament, and thus enable their successors to organize their new Cabinet with less difficulty; but Mr. Disraeli chose to depart from this custom, and tendered his own resignation and that of his associates to her Majesty on the 2d of December, 1868, at the very moment when he knew it would put his successors to the most inconvenience. He accompanied this act by a manifesto which breathed a spirit of defiance.

The Queen, on the receipt of the resignation of the Disraeli ministry, immediately sent for Mr. Gladstone and requested him to organize a new ministry. This in the recess of Parliament was a matter of some difficulty, the more from the fact that the Liberal party was in reality a coalition of several factions differing widely in their views on many of the questions likely to come before them. He was, however, successful, and soon after announced his Cabinet as follows: Right Hon. William Ewart Gladstone, First Lord of the Treasury; Right Hon. Lord Hatherley, Lord High Chancellor; Right Hon. Earl de Grey and Ripon, Lord President of the Council; Right Hon. Earl of Kimberley, Lord Privy Seal; Right Hon. Henry Austin Bruce, Secretary of State, Home Department; Right Hon. Earl of Clarendon, Secretary of State, Foreign Department; Right Hon. Earl Granville, Secretary of State, Colonial Department; Right Hon. Edward Cardwell, Secretary of State, War Department; his Grace the Duke of Argyle, Secretary of State, Indian Department; Right Hon. Robert Lowe, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Right Hon H. Childers, First Lord of the Admiralty; Right Hon. John Bright, President of the Board of Trade; Right Hon. Chichester Fortescue, Chief Secretary for Ireland; Right Hon. Marquis of Hartington, Postmaster-General; Right Hon. G. Joachim Goschen, President of the Poor-Law Board. Hon. Austin Henry Layard (the explorer of Nineveh) was appointed Commissioner of Works and Public Buildings, but without a seat in the Cabinet; Sir Robert Collier, AttorneyGeneral; Sir John Duke Coleridge, SolicitorGeneral; and Earl Spencer, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

The minister from the United States to the court of St. James, Hon. Charles Francis Adams, having continued in that important and responsible position for about seven years, asked to be recalled early in 1868. His request was granted, and Hon. Reverdy Johnson, then United States Senator from Maryland, was nominated and confirmed as his successor. Mr. Johnson, soon after his arrival in England, commenced anew the negotiations which had

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