nationalities, and Langiewicz was not the only Pole who shared its perils and its triumph. When Garibaldi crossed to the mainland Langiewicz followed his progress, and bore his part in the crowning victory achieved upon the banks of the Volturno. Garibaldi held a high opinion of the young Pole's military capacity, and when the Italian civil war was at end Langiewicz formed a connection (through the ex-Dictator) with the Polish exile Mieroslawski. The latter was then directing in Paris a military school for the instruction of Polish emigrants, and he invited the co-operation of Langiewicz. The offer was eagerly accepted, and Langiewicz devoted himself for some time to directing in artillery studies the pupils of Mieroslawski's school. Subsequently this school was transferred to Genoa, or at least another, for the same purpose and on the same plan, was founded there. This school, which had the permission of the Italian Government for its operations, was assisted by Langiewicz, who took up his residence in Genoa. Many of our readers may remember that when Russia was about to recognise the kingdom of Italy she called upon the Italian Government to suppress this school. It was suppressed, therefore, to the great indignation of many Italians, who bitterly accused the Government of having yielded subserviently to a foreign demand.

But before this event had come to pass, Langiewicz had left Italy and returned to Poland. He was, of course, thoroughly au courant of all the secret movements of the national party in Russian Poland, and was one of those who, after the massacres of February, 1861, in Warsaw, considered insurrection as inevitable. He never believed in the liberal promises of Russia, and always regarded a civil war as an event which must occur soon, and might occur at any moment. The outbreak, which has now reached such enormous dimensions, was not a premeditated and general rebellion. It was an irrepressible outburst against the conscription. Many sincere patriots thought it premature and inopportune, and were, therefore, at first inclined to discourage it or allow it to die out. Langiewicz judged otherwise. Although almost unknown in the country, he offered himself to lead some of the first insurrectionary bands which formed in the forests of Southern Poland. The rest the world knows. After years of labour and struggle unseen, comes at last the time of labour and struggle, seen, watched, and admired by all the world. Langiewicz made the insurrection a great national revolution, and himself its chief and hero. He exhibited immense strategic skill as well as daring; he has only given battle when and where he thought fit; he has harrassed and exhausted as well as beaten his Russian foes; and he has forced European statesmanship once more to acknowledge that something must be done for Poland. Over and over again have Russian journals announced that Langiewicz had been defeated, wounded, captured-nay, taken and shot. But he has lived, fought, and conquered none the less. We are certainly not yet in a position to appreciate the effects which will follow from his daring achievements. However the insurrection may end-whether the power of Russia may succeed to drown it in blood; whether diplomatic intervention may effect a compromise between the despot and the nation; or whether an heroic struggle will be crowned with a glorious triumphit is equally certain that, in a few short weeks, Langiewicz, unknown before, won for himself unfading renown as a patriot and a hero.

LANGIEWICZ, MILITARY DICTATOR OF POLAND.

Despite all the efforts of Russia, the insurrection of the Poles made rapid progress.

According to the Vienna correspondent of the "Times," the Russians sustained a severe defeat at Malogosz on the 25th February. From the same source we learn the imperial government had but few troops at its disposal on whom it could safely rely:-"Langiewicz was the most formidable opponent the Russians have in Poland and the Warsaw government therefore ordered four corps to co-operate in. 'exterminating' him and his followers. The first corps, under Alexitschoff, advanced from Czenstochau; the second, under Bagration, from Miechow; the third, under Czengerz, from Kielce; and the fourth, under Dobrowolski, from Statsow. We are without detailed information relative to the movements of Langiewicz, at this time, but it is known that he gave the slip to the Russians at Stobnica near the Galician frontier, in the of government Radom), and made a flank march in the direction of Cheziny, a town to the south of Kielce. In the neighbourhood of Jedrzejov (south of Cheziny) he fell in with a Russian detachment of 500 men, with two guns, which was escorting a very considerable number of conscripts and some insurgents who had been taken at Miechow, Ojkow, Olkutz, &c. After a sharp skirmish the Russians were routed, and they left their artillery in the hands of the victors. Among the persons liberated were several Roman Catholic priests and Jews, who were sent to their homes. The conscripts, who voluntarily joined Langiewicz, were armed with weapons taken from the defeated Russians. On the same day two insurgent corps, under Jezioranski and Zielinski, were engaged with the Russians in the neighbourhood of Wloszkzov and Molabosz. After Langiewicz had beaten the Russians at Jedrzejov, he joined Jezioranski and Zielinski. We learn that the railway communication between Warsaw and Wilna, and between Wilna and St. Petersburg was interrupted. The Berlin government declared that no Prussian troops crossed the frontier into Poland, but the Poles positively assert that they have been at Dobrzyn, and also at a place called Jarrow, where they assisted the Russian frontier guard to beat off some insurgents."

Fired by his successes, the Central National Committee proclaimed General Langiewicz Dictator of Poland. General Wysoczki was appointed his military coadjutor, while the direction of the civil administration was intrusted to Poetkowski. Immediately, that is to say on March 11th, Langiewicz issued the following important proclamation :

"Countrymen !-In the name of the Most High, the most patriotic sons of Poland have commenced a struggle caused by terrible abuses, and directed against the internal enemies of liberty and civilisation. Notwithstanding the extremely unfavourable circumstances in which the enemy, by a great increase of oppression, hastened the armed conflict, the struggle commenced by an unarmed people has already lasted two months, gains strength, and developes itself with energy. In presence of this war to the death, the massacres, the pillage, the conflagrations, which mark the progress of the enemy, Poland feels painfully the absence of a visible central power capable of directing the forces engaged in the struggle, and of summoning new assistance to the field. Although the nation possesses more capable and worthy citizens than I, and although thoroughly conscious of the heavy duties of the office and the weight of responsibility which it involves, the gravity and necessity of the moment have decided me, after consultation with the provisional government, to assume the supreme power of dictator, which I shall surrender to the representatives of the nation as soon as the yoke of the Muscovite is shaken off. "While retaining the immediate direction of military operations in my own hands,

I recognise the necessity of establishing a civil government, whose functions will be regulated by a special ordinance. Continuing the work of the provisional government, I confirm the principles of liberty and equality to all citizens, granting land to the peasants, with indemnity to the proprietors.

"Poles of all provinces beneath the Muscovite yoke, I summon you to the struggle against the domination of Russian barbarism. The concord of all citizens, irrespective of difference of classes and religion, community of sacrifices, and unity of strength, will render our now scattered forces terrible to the enemy, and insure the independence of our country.

"To arms, for the liberty and independence of our fatherland!

(Signed)

"LANGIEWICZ."

Langiewicz then took command of the Polish army, and issued a manifesto consolidating the civil administration of the National Government :

"Head Quarters, Sosnowka.

"In the name of the people, Maryan Langiewicz, Dictator. "By virtue of the manifesto of March 10, and the stipulations therein contained, I, Maryan Langiewicz, Dictator of Poland, hereby ordain the institution of a civil National Government as follows:

Clause 1. The civil National Government to consist of four members, being respectively the chiefs of the military, financial, home, and foreign departments. "Clause 2. Until further notice this Government is to remain secret. "Clause 3. The commands and ordinances of the Dictator, relative to the civil administration of state, are to be addressed to the civil Government; the latter to be responsible for their transmission to the subordinate authorities.

"Clause 4. The decrees of the civil Government shall be issued in the name of the Dictator, and by virtue of the authority conferred upon it.

"Clause 5. The commands of the Dictator to the civil Government shall be countersigned by one of his Secretaries-General. The appointments here mentioned have been completed simultaneously with the issue of this decree.

"Clause 6. I also appoint three Government Commissaries, to be attached to the Home Department for special purposes. These Commissaries will be placed under the orders of the National Government, which will give them the necessary instructions.

"Clause 7. Our representatives at foreign Courts I shall appoint, subject to the recommendations of the chief of foreign affairs.

"Clause 8. All civil and military authorities, whatever their origin and the time of their appointment, are hereby dissolved.

"Clause 9. They are, however, to continue their functions until further orders from the civil Government or its Commissaries.

"Clause 10. I hereby appoint Valerius Tomczynski to be Deputy SecretaryGeneral, until the assumption of office by one of the Secretaries-General already nominated.

"Given at Head Quarters, Sosnowka, March 12, 1863.

(Signed)

"The Deputy-Secretary-General VALERY TOMCZYNSKI."

"MARYAN LANGIEWICZ.

The news of this manifesto excited considerable sensation in all parts of the country. This step of General Langiewicz was fertile in consequences. Up to this time the political as well as the military power had been monopolised by the central committee, which, from the very nature of the circumstances, was necessarily a secret and invisible affair. The advantage of a supreme direction by a person not only a reality in himself, but a notorious and renowned leader, could not be valued too highly in the actual condition of the country. The proclamation was

read in the camp after Divine service, and received with the thundering applause of the troops. Immediately after the camp was broken up and operations resumed in different directions.

The camp offered a very interesting aspect. The troops, although far from looking like regulars, had no need to shun comparison with the enemy. Their only shortcoming was in the important article of firearms, but these, too, were supplied with efficient activity from day to day. After so many exhausting fatigues they were full of spirits and eager for the fray. Quietly they look death in the face. While the greater part continue without uniform, the regimentals of the Polish army have been revived by others. Large fires in the open, roasting entire oxen and sheep, complete the picturesqueness of the camp.

But the chief centre of attraction was General Langiewicz. A Polish visitor found him in a room with his captains, taking part in the discussion that was going on, and giving orders at the same time to others who came to inquire his pleasure His answers, though curt, were to the point; and, from time to time, he turned to a voluminous paper he happened to be drawing up, despite the interruptions to which he was continually subjected. He is short and muscular, and his features are particularly striking. He looks calm and reserved, like a quiet deliberative mind, rather than the champion of an audacious insurrection. He has a slight halt, talks little, and knows well how to value the worth of time and words. In short, he looks what he is, a man of decision rather than of impulse. He wears a square-shaped cap of violet silk, adorned with a sheep-skin border, and surmounted by a white plume. High Polish boots, and a dark czamarka, lined with fur, constitute the chief items of his truly national uniform. Among his captains there are still many remnants discernible of the revolution of 1831. Not a few hoary heads and grey beards figure among the immediate advisers of the General. They have hurried thither from every quarter of the globe, hopeful again and longing for the realisation of the dreams of their youth. A peculiar element in the camp is formed by the lady officers, half-a-dozen of whom have been admitted into the service. Two of them followed their husbands to the war, the rest consisting of girls of noble descent, are also desirous of striking a blow against the hereditary enemy of their race and caste. They all wear men's garments, are capital riders, and renowned for their gallantry amid the dangers of the fight. Before others, Mademoiselle Pustowojtow is mentioned as a dead shot and daring leader of reconnoitring patrols. In her uniform, adorned by a sash of the national colours, she looks like a delicate youth on the threshold of manhood, and with the promise of future strength imprinted upon her animated features. She, as well as the other officers, and, indeed, the General himself, observes the rites of the Roman Catholic Church. with religious care and solicitude. Mass is celebrated daily in the camp, and the Capuchin monk, the head of the church militant in the interim, is regarded as one of the most important personages in the council as well as the vestry. Any one entering the ranks is introduced to the General personally, who asks him if he has made up his mind to die on the gallows, or fall on the battle-field. If the ques tion is answered in the affirmative, the resolute recruit is next sent to the pater confessor, after which he takes the oath, and is handed over to the drill sergeant. Succours continued to pour in from Galicia, although the Austrian Government

began to realise the danger of allowing arms and ammunition to accompany the fugitives. But the smuggle is too well organised for the Poles to require the countenance of the Kaiser in this particular respect. A lady committee was formed at Cracow for taking charge of the wounded, who were regularly sent to Austrian hospitals, and nursed by the Nightingales of the most distinguished families in the land. Lint is prepared, money collected, and shoes, together with clothing, and other articles of raiment openly transmitted to the insurgent camp.

Meanwhile great exertions were made on the part of the Russian Generals to fill up the gaps in the southern corps, the noise and din of battle having proceeded to the immediate vicinity of the capital. A great fight occurred at Wlonzownia, about five miles from Warsaw, between a column of 500 Russians and a reconnoitring party of the Poles. The men killed on both sides amounted to fifty and more. At the close of the skirmish, which lasted for several hours with varying success, either party wended their way home unmolested by the other. On the same evening a large number of people were stopped and arrested in the streets of Warsaw. These, as well as the other prisoners taken in the towns, by the latest improvements of tyranny, were dragged off to the interior without even the forms of justice. The Russian Government lay hold of and enlist in the Russian army for life all the Polish townspeople who, from their age or other circumstances, might be thought to experience some hankering after the national army and the command of General Langiewicz. As a natural consequence of this reckless Tartarism, every one who believes himself marked out for exile hastened to satisfy the suspicions of Government by passing over to the enemy.

On March 16, Langiewicz left Zaryszyn for Chrobrz, where next day he fixed his headquarters in the castle. All the horses and provisions were taken away. Before his departure Langiewicz summoned the mayors of the adjacent villages to come to Chrobrz, where they were required to satisfy themselves that, with the exception of the horses and food, nothing in the castle had been disturbed, and the building was placed under their care. On the 17th no encounter took place. The Russians (comprising some companies of infantry, 50 Cossacks, 50 dragoons, and two guns), who had observed the movements of the Poles from a distance, were then in the little town of Działoszyce, midway on the road from Miechow to Wislica, about two miles on the south-west of Chrobrz. The main body, under General Prince Schachowskoj, were at Miechow. The general's troops consisted of some thousands of the infantry of the guard of the regiments of Wilna and Smolensk, of the 6th jager battalion, and four guns. Colonel Zwirow had moved with his column from Kielde to Jendszejow, which is situate almost centrally on the road between Kielce and Miechow, and had pushed on his advanced guard to Pinczow (a seat of the Margrave Wielopolski), about a mile to the northward of Chrobrz. General Uschakow, military chief of the Radom Government, had removed his headquarters from Radom southwards towards Kielce. Some 300 Russians were also posted at Stohnica, to the north-east of Wislica.

At this time the Poles displayed great boldness, and advanced nearly as far as Praga, a suburb of Warsaw, on the right bank of the Vistula, where is situate a station on the Warsaw and St. Petersburg railway. In the neighbourhood of the little town of Miloswa, on the high-road, four miles from Warsaw, a band of many