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question of impartial manhood suffrage be submitted to the popular vote at the ensuing annual election." The proposition to strike the word white from the constitution had already been submitted to the people in 1865, and again in 1867, and rejected by them on both occasions. At the late presidential election, however, it was carried, with the rest of the Republican ticket. Governor Marshall congratulated the Legislature on that success, while the Democrats affirmed that such result was owing only to deception and fraud practised by the Republicans upon the voters: first, because the question of "negro suffrage had been proposed to the people, not by itself, but mixed together with the question of President and Vice-President on the same ticket, by which means the voter, as he could not divide the question on the ticket and give to each a separate answer, was compelled to vote for, or against, all the questions, with the same answer; and secondly, which they regard to be still worse, because the said question of “negro suffrage was proposed to the people, not in open words, but concealed under a cover, impenetrable to the sight of most of the voters, namely, as "an amendment of section 1, article 7, of the constitution," so that those who voted for the Republican candidates did also vote blindly for "negro suffrage," without so much as imagining that they were so doing; it being certain that the greatest number of them had no knowledge that the section 1 of article 7, which they were voting to amend, referred to "negro suffrage" and excluded it. They declare those two facts to be the more assuredly a proof of meditated deception, because by acts, passed in the same session of the Legislature, and approved on the 5th and 6th of March, 1868, respectively, two more amendments to the constitution were submitted to the people at the same election, namely, on "internal improvement lands" and on "grand juries;" but both of these points were presented to the voter separately and distinctly in clear, open words; each of their respective acts having purposely provided that, on the ballots, and in favor of the amendment, regarding the internal improvement lands, there should be written or printed "internal improvement landsAmendment to Article 15th of the Constitution-Yes;" and for the amendment relating to grand juries "there should be written or printed on the ballots the words "Against the Grand Juries;" whereas, in regard to the amendment concerning "negro suffrage," the act relating to it makes no mention of those words, but prescribes that "the voters, voting in favor of such amendment, shall have, on their general ballots, used at said election, written or printed, the following words, "Amendment to Section 1, Article 7, of the ConstitutionYes."

The Democratic State Convention, which assembled in the month of February, 1868, elected its 4 presidential electors, and 8 dele

gates to the National Democratic Convention, to be held in New York on the 4th of July, for the purpose of nominating the Democratic presidential candidates. In regard to the situation of the country and the political questions agitating it, the convention, before closing its session on February 27th, adopted the resolutions submitted by its Committee on Resolutions, as follows:

Resolved, That the Democracy of Minnesota congratulate the country upon the improved aspect of political affairs, as evinced by the State elections of 1867, and that they look forward with hope and confidence to the result of that momentous struggle upon which depends, in so great a degree, the future peace and prosperity of the Union.

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Resolved, That we are unalterably opposed to the legislation which leads to consolidation; we renew, with unflagging zeal and increased energy, our atso stanchly adhered to by our organization through tachment to that political creed, which has ever been days of trouble and disaster as well as prosperity; which was that opinion expressed by Thomas Jefferson, with justice to all men, of whatever standing, and the promotion of peace, commerce, and harmony; friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights as the most competent administrators of our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwark against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation tional vigor as the safeguard of peace at home and of the General Government in its whole, its constitusafety abroad; adjures the care of the rights of elections by the people, the supremacy of the civil over the military authority."

Resolved, That we condemn the legislative acts of struction so called, as the violation of the honest Congress, and, particularly, the civil act of reconagreement and compact between the States, and as utterly subversive of every principle of sound government that distinguishes a free people. Resolved, That we are opposed to any measures which recognize that the integrity of the Union was ever broken; that any of its members were ever out, and that we determinedly insist that the Southern States, no longer being in insurrection or at war with the Federal Government, are entitled to the full State recognition and constitutional representation in Congress, and the electoral privileges given to all States, and that denial to them by Congress, and its efforts to dictate by military force a government for them, are unconstitutional and despotic. and policy, to negro suffrage, and that this State, havResolved, That we are opposed, both in principle ing by a large majority rejected it for herself, is sternly opposed to its enforced imposition upon other States, and that we stigmatize its imposition by the Federal Government as a most base usurpation. Resolved, That the practical effect of the so-called reconstruction acts of Congress is to deliver over ten States to the political and social control of negroes; and to place the lives, liberties, and fortunes of the people into the hands of a barbarous people, that it would lead either to a war of races, or to the desola

tion of the South.

Resolved, That, while we denounce the enormous conceded frauds in the creation of the public debt, the faith of the country is pledged to the payment, principal and interest, according to the terms of the several acts of Congress under which these bonds representing the debt were issued, but not otherwise, and we are opposed to any plans for extending the time of payment, thus increasing the amount of goldinterest to more than original principal, or to any declaration by Congress that the principal is payable

in gold.

Resolved, That never forgetting nor denying our ancient faith, that gold and silver coin form the cur

rency of the Constitution, we declare that the 5.20 bonds should be paid in the currency received by the Government for their issue, and, that by the withdrawal of the gold and silver to the national banks, that result would be accomplished without undue or dangerous increase of paper money, now the only circulating medium, thus relieving our people from the burden of debt, the tendency of which is always to corrupt and enslave, and free our Government from the reproach of paying a favored class in gold, while discharging its debts to all others, including also its sailors and soldiers, in inferior currency.

Resolved, That this plan violates no law, impairs no contract, breaks no faith, and, instead of retarding a return to specie payments, is the shortest, because the only safe way of reaching that end.

Resolved, That all the property of the country, including so-called bonds, which receive such equal protection of the Government, should bear an equal

share in its burden.

Resolved, That we indignantly reject the principle, drawn from the feudal system, that the masses of the people belong to the governments under which they live, which, in another form, is contended for by the monarchies of Europe, including Great Britain, that, once a subject, always a subject. We, on the contrary, maintain that an individual can, by emigration to, and residence in, another country, forswear his previous allegiance, and be admitted into all the civil and political rights of his new home; that American citizens, by adoption and naturalization, are entitled to all the rights, as between the United States and foreign powers, which can be claimed by our own native-born citizens; and it is the duty of the Federal Government to protect and maintain them by every means within its power.

Resolved, That the fortitude and gallantry of our soldiers, in the recent civil war in defence of the Union, entitle them to the gratitude of the country, and should ever be remembered by it in its bounties. Resolved, That the Democracy of the country have neither the purpose nor desire to reestablish slavery, nor assume any portion of the debt of the States lately in rebellion.

The Republican State Convention also, pursuant to a call of the Republican State Central Committee, dated January 22d, assembled on the 13th of May, 1868, when they elected 8 delegates to the National Republican Convention, to be held in Chicago, on the 20th day of that month, and 4 presidential electors.

Of the acts passed by the State Legislature in the last session, we abstain from making any further mention, in reference to the public interests of the State. The local paper, in which such matters are officially published, in its issue of March 13, 1868, says: "The work of the tenth Legislature was virtually closed last evening, although to-day is within constitutional limit, and may be occupied with any other business than the passage of bills, which is inhibited. A very large number of laws have been enacted, but none of vital importance to the welfare of the State."

MISSISSIPPI. The rigors of military rule were somewhat relaxed in Mississippi at the beginning of the year 1868. By an order of January 9th, jurisdiction was restored to the State courts in the general cases of horse-stealing, etc., though, if it should appear that any person could not obtain an impartial trial, on account of his race or his political sentiments, jurisdiction of the case would be taken

by the military. On the 21st of January, General Order No. 39, series of 1867, prohibiting the purchase or delivery of country supplies after sunset and until market-hours in the morning, and requiring all persons to procure a special license, as authority to purchase country produce, was revoked. Four days later a similar revocation was made of the order causing saloons, and other places where intoxicating liquors were retailed, to be closed from each Friday evening at sunset, until the succeeding Monday at sunrise, and on ocessions of political meetings in towns garrisoned by troops. On the 27th, an order appeared revoking the several circulars issued in 1867. relating to the adjustment of "questions arsing from settlements of crops, and generally the relations of debtors and creditors, or civ suitors," and all such matters were thereafter to be left to the established civil tribunals, "er

cept such cases affecting the rights of freedmen, or others, as by acts of Congress were specially committed to the care of the Bares of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands"

An impression having got abroad that the planters would receive aid from the Govern ment in cultivating their lands, through the agency of the Freedmen's Bureau, a circular was issued from the office of the Assistant Commissioner for the State of Mississippi, i forming all persons, who had formed any such expectations, that all aid rendered through that office would be strictly limited to cases of actual want, and any supplies furnished world only be in such quantities as were absolutely necessary to prevent suffering. All freedme who were laboring under the delusion th lands would be furnished them by confiscati or otherwise, were warned that this was mistaken idea. They were told that their on way of obtaining land was by purchase or of locating on the public domain. The Bure offered its services as a medium to bring to gether laborers and employers, and urg those engaged in agricultural pursuits "to de vote more land and labor to the production of corn and wheat."

The convention which had been called to frame a constitution for the State of Miss sippi, under the reconstruction laws of 180, met in Jackson, on the 7th of January, and continued in session without interruption u the 18th of May. During this protracted pe riod many subjects were discussed, which pertained more to the general condition of the State and of the country at large, than to the special duty of the framers of a new constit tion. The general per diem of the members was fixed at ten dollars, and measures wer adopted for levying a special tax, to be c lected under the authority of the military comander, to meet the expenses of the conver tion. There was a pretty strong and active conservative element in the body, which co tinually opposed all extreme measures. This element was represented in the committee ap

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pointed to take into consideration the question of compensation for members, and a minority report was submitted, which, after stating that the reconstruction acts were unconstitutional, and that the convention did not represent the people of the State, declared

That this assembly is unconstitutionally convened, and is not competent to make amendments to the constitution of the State of Mississippi in any respect whatever, and therefore the officers and memTbers of this convention are not entitled to compensation for any services which they may see proper to perform in such capacity to the people of the State of Mississippi, or to the people of the United States. The convention had not been in session many days, when a committee was appointed to memorialize Congress to grant to that body power to declare vacant all civil offices in the provisional government of the State, and to fill them with officers of its own selecting. The committee prepared a memorial, which, after considerable discussion, was forwarded to the Federal Legislature. This document was in the following terms:

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To the Congress of the United States:

The Constitutional Convention elected under the laws of Congress for the reconstruction of civil government in the State of Mississippi, now in session in the city of Jackson, of said State, beg leave to represent to your honorable body that the loyal people of this State, in our opinion, require your immediate aid to remove obstructions impeding the action of their representatives in convention assembled.

The loyal Union men of Mississippi have accepted in good faith the reconstruction laws, and are laboring to institute a civil government that shall recognize the rights and protect the liberties of the citizens, and on such principles as shall render it acceptable to the national Congress.

The reconstruction laws of Congress, nine months ago, found the State under a civil government, so called, organized in 1865 by not more than one-third of the white men, who were authorized to vote by the President's proclamation.

They found this government administered by rebels, not in name merely, but really such in heart, in head, in policy, indeed in all respects save open hostility. When the terms of reconstruction were announced by Congress in the early part of last year, it was hoped by many sanguine friends of the Union that they would be willingly accepted by the great mass of the Southern people. Not so, however, has been the result, and, as the work of reconstruction advanced, there was gradually developed and made manifest first doubt, then fear or apprehension, then opposition, and lastly an absolute and unmistakable hostility. During this transition state of public sentiment from doubt to hostility it may be imagined what proscription and abuse the faithful Union loyalists had to meet.

All this has been borne with a calm defiance and unfaltering devotion to country, to liberty, and the Union; and now this rebel sentiment has culminated on the floor of this convention itself by a member in a report to this body averring that the convention is an unauthorized assembly, called by an unconstitutional law of Congress, and has therefore no legal or binding power over the State of Mississippi in compelling obedience to its ordinances.

In addition to the impediments thrown in the way of the convention by this popular sentiment arising from the broken fragments of secession and rebellion, which may very safely be permitted to drift aloof From all participation in reconstruction, there is

another and a much more formidable power, producthan that already brought to view, namely, the adtive of far greater embarrassment to reconstruction ministrators of the provisional government of the State whose terms of office have expired.

These incumbents, continued in office by the forbearance of Congress, were elected by only a portion of the people in 1865, when, if had presented his claims for office, he would have had Union candidate any no chance. Their continuance in office endangers the restoration of peace and order; at least, their action or non-action may result greatly to the embarrassment of this convention in its work of recon

struction.

We, therefore, in the name and in behalf of the loyal people of Mississippi, in the name of justice, liberty, petition your honorable body to authorize this conand humanity, do most earnestly and respectfully vention to declare all civil offices in the State vacant, and to fill them at once by the appointment of true and loyal men who, we humbly trust and confidently believe, will greatly add to the success of the congressional plan of reconstruction; all of which is consideration of your honorable body, and, as in duty most respectfully and deferentially submitted to the bound, we will ever pray.

A protest against the action of the convention, in sending this memorial to Washington, was read on the 29th of January, signed by fifteen prominent conservative members. This protest laid down and supported by argument these five propositions, showing, as was claimed, that "the material statements made in said memorial are untrue." 1. "The government of the State is not in the hands of rebels." Under this head it was urged that at the close of the war the people had "accepted the situation in good faith," and then and since had endeavored to act the part of good and loyal citizens. 2. "The officers of the State have not neglected to protect the life and property of loyal men." The third proposition states found in the State who could take the "testthat not enough "competent men" could be oath" to fill the offices under the State administration. The fourth declares that the "members of the convention were elected to discharge the specific duty of framing a constitution and civil government for the State," and that, in choosing them, the people had acted on the belief that their labors were to be con

fined to that object; "and now the conferring of any other power by Congress upon the convention, or the assumption of others by it, will be a violation of the trust reposed, and a usurpation of the rights of the people." Fifthly, signers of the protest declare that

When the resolution "for the appointment of the committee to prepare this memorial was on its passage, an amendment was offered to it in these words:

Resolved, further, That, in reorganizing the State government under the foregoing resolution, no member of this body shall be eligible to any office of trust or profit in connection therewith."

Which amendment was lost by a vote of 36 yeas to 48 nays.

By this vote a majority of the convention have shown their utter disregard of a great conservative principle, which is consecrated as well in the Constitution of the United States as in the constitutions of a large majority of the States, the State of Mississippi inclusive, namely: that no representative of the people shall, during the term for which he shall

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The convention refused to enter this protest on the records, but decided, by a vote of 50 to 19, that it be "wrapped in brown paper and returned to the gentleman from Marshall." As soon as the memorial to Congress had been dispatched, the convention turned its attention to the proclamation of Governor Humphreys of the 9th of December, 1867, which represented that conspiracies had been formed for the purpose of seizing upon lands in the State, and dividing them into farms to distribute among the negroes. This was characterized as a libel on the people of Mississippi, and a committee was appointed to investigate the truth of the rumors of combinations of evil-disposed persons in the State to seize lands, etc., coming from persons of high social and official position, upon which the Governor's proclamation of December 9, 1867, was founded. This committee spent some days in obtaining information, and reported that there appeared to be no just cause for issuing the proclamation, but they believed that Governor Humphreys had been misled by the information he had received. The committee had written to the Governor requesting him to furnish what information he had touching the subject of the proclamation, and the names of the persons who had supplied the same. To this he made a reply, in which he used the following language:

I presume you do not expect me to admit that the convention now in session in this city, by virtue of the "military bills" passed by Congress, has any constitutional right to require me to account to it for my administration of the civil government of the State of Misissippi. I acknowledge, however, the constitutional right of all or any portion of the citizens of the State, “in a peaceable manner, to assemble together for their common good, and to apply to those vested with the powers of government for redress of grievances, or other proper purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance"-and the correlative duty of all civil offcers to furnish them all the information in their possession, that pertains to their welfare and happiness, when respectfully requested so to do. I have no secrets I desire to withhold from any class of our people, white or black. My proclamation of the 9th of December, 1867, was issued at the urgent request of General Ord, commander of the Fourth Mil itary District, and all the information I have, on the subject you desire to investigate, was received from and through him, except a few letters received from prominent citizens, which I referred to him as soon as received, and which I presume are now in his possession. For obvious reasons, then, I must refer the committee to him, and, if, in his judgment, a revelation of the sources of information will not be an act of bad faith to the informers, white or black, or prejudicial to the public service, and will authorize a publication of all the communications, public and private, I will cheerfully comply with his instructions on that subject.

About the same time a resolution was passed in the convention, empowering a committee "to inquire into the disposition of all funds received by the State Treasurer or other State officers, as donations from various cities,

towns, and private individuals, in the Northern States, for the relief of the destitute in this State," and calling on the Governor for a detailed account of the receipts and disburse ments of such fund during his term of office. On receiving this resolution, and the accompanying request for his official statement on the subject alluded to, Governor Humphreys replied:

No funds have been received by me from cities, towns, or individuals, in the Northern States. Those who have intrusted me, as their private agent, with the distribution of their charities, have neglected to mittee have failed to furnish me with any evidence instruct me to account to your body, and your coTthat the donors have delegated to that body any thority to make the inquiry proposed. As those donors may regard their charities as their own pr vate matters, disconnected with the affairs of gr ernment, civil or military, Federal or State, an may be unwilling to subject the beneficiaries to the mortification of a public exhibition of their want and destitution, they may regard any effort, however laudable, to give publicity to their charities, as Their wishes and instructions on this subject will perserviceable. must, then, refer you to them cheerfully complied with, and proper vouchers wil

be exhibited.

Another subject occupying considerable time, before the convention saw fit to give its undivided attention to the "specific duty of fram ing a constitution and civil government for the State," was the relief of the citizens from pr ing debts contracted prior to 1865. Resol tions were passed requesting the military com mander to issue an order affording relief to this class of debtors, and appointing a commi tee to confer with General Gillem on the subject. That officer referred them to the home stead and bankrupt laws, and suggested that, with the allowances and exemptions provide. by these, "no family is threatened with starvation, present or prospective, by non-interven tion, or allowing the law to take its course: he therefore deemed it "inexpedient to iss the order asked for in the resolution, trans mitted by your committee." A resolution was afterward adopted to appoint a committee to frame an ordinance for the "relief of the people of Mississippi from their pecuniary barrassment," which should be "consistent with the rights and obligations of all parties, and with the Constitution of the United States" But no such ordinance ever passed into ls. though power was given by the constitution to the first Legislature to pass enactments & fording the relief demanded.

Besides the ordinance providing for the expenses of the convention, a general law w made by the convention for levying and co lecting taxes, to maintain the civil gover ment of the State. This was carried into f fect under the authority of the military co mander. The question of removing politics. disabilities occupied considerable attention. but no practical measure on the subject was adopted.

The various reports on different portions of the proposed constitution were made from

time to time, and discussions followed, of more or less length and animation, according to the interest felt in the topics to which they related; and finally, after a session of 115 days, the organic law of the State was completed, and received the signatures of a majority of the delegates.

The first article embraces the Bill of Rights, which is contained in thirty-two sections. Besides the provisions usually contained in such instruments, are the following sections, which are by no means universal in our State constitutions:

SECTION 16. The rights of married women shall be protected by law, in property owned previous to marriage; and, also, in all property acquired in good faith by purchase, gift, devise, or bequest, after marriage: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to protect said property from being applied to the payment of their lawful debts. SEC. 17. No property qualification for eligibility to office shall ever be required.

elector.

SEC. 18. No property or educational qualification shall ever be required for any person to become an SEC. 19. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in this State, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.

SEC. 20. The right to withdraw from the Federal Union, on account of any real or supposed grievances, shall never be assumed by this State, nor shall any law be passed in derogation of the paramount allegiance of the citizens of this State to the Govern

ment of the United States.

SEC. 21. No public money or moneys shall be appropriated for any charitable or other public institutions in this State, making any distinction among the citizens thereof: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to prevent the Legislature from appropriating the school fund in accordance with the article in this constitution relating to public schools.

SEC. 22. No distinction shall ever be made, by law, between citizens and alien friends in reference to the possession, enjoyment, or descent of property. SEC. 27. No person's life shall be perilled by the practice of duelling, and any person who shall hereafter fight a duel, or assist in the same as second, or send, accept, or knowingly carry a challenge therefor, or go out of the State to fight a duel, shall be disqualified from holding any office under this constitution, and [shall forever be disfranchised in this

State.

SEO. 29. No person shall ever be elected or appointed to any office in this State for life or during good behavior, but the term of all offices shall be for some specified period.

The legislative article declares that the political year shall begin on the first Monday in January, and the Legislature shall meet on the following Tuesday, in each year. The general election is to take place once in two years, on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November. Representatives are to be chosen for two years, and Senators for four years. For any person to give or receive a bribe, is made an offence punishable with disfranchisement and disqualification for office. The Governor and other executive officers hold their places four years. The judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court, Circuit Court, Chancery Courts, and such lower tribunals as may be

established by law. The judges are to be appointed by the Governor for a term of years. The three judges of the Supreme Court are to be appointed for nine years, and their respective terms of office are to be so adjusted, that one shall go out at the end of every three years. The terms of the circuit judges are for six years.

The topic which demanded by far the largest amount of attention of any treated by the convention, was that of fixing the qualifications to be imposed upon the exercise of the right of suffrage, and the privilege of holding office. The discussion on this subject began early in February, when the section of the Bill of Rights prohibiting any educational or property qualifications for voters was under consideration, and continued at intervals until the article relating to the franchise was adopted, in the latter part of April. Earnest and able speeches were made in favor of a discrimination which would prevent the blacks, so recently freed from a condition which necessarily left them ignorant and unaccustomed to the responsibility which ought to accompany citizenship, from taking a leading part in the that the African race was physically and mencontrol of public affairs. It was contended tally the inferior of the whites, and that any scheme which clothed them with the right of suffrage at once would give them control of make them politically superiors to some of interests which they could not understand, and the most cultivated citizens of the State. On the other hand, strong appeals were made in favor of universal suffrage, and some of the ablest speeches on the subject were delivered by colored delegates. After the report of the committee on the general subject of the elective franchise had been submitted, a long and excited debate followed, and amendments were offered which represented every shade of political opinion on this important subject. When the fifth section of the article was under consideration, so earnest did the discussion become that several bitter personal altercations took place, one of which led to a violent assault upon the president of the convention by a conservative member. The franchise article was finally adopted by a vote of 44 to 25, whereupon 12 delegates immediately resigned their seats. The full text of the article is as follows:

ARTICLE VII. Section 1. All elections by the peo

ple shall be by ballot.

Section 2. All male inhabitants of this State, except idiots and insane persons, and Indians, not taxed, citizens of the United States, or naturalized, twenty-one years old and upward, who have resided in this State six months, and in the county one month next preceding the day of election, at which said inhabitant offers to vote, and who are duly registered according to the requirements of section three of this article, and who are not disqualified by reason of any crime, are declared to be qualified electors.

Section 3. The Legislature shall provide, by law, for the registration of all persons entitled to vote at any

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